Una vida universitaria fundada en normas y reglamentos

SPATIALASSIMILATIONANDPLACESTRATIFICATIONPERSPECTIVE

The spatial assimilation model suggests that as Blacks achieve greater socioeconomic status, they will exchange this status through relocation into quality neighborhoods (Massey 1985). Due to lower racial residential segregation in the South, one would expect higher

locational attainment of Blacks, and in line with the spatial assimilation model, the greater ability of higher socioeconomic status Blacks to live in higher quality neighborhoods. The place- stratification model considers inequity in the housing market (Yinger 1995; Massey and Denton 1993), and generally posits that Blacks of increasing socioeconomic status will not be able to access neighborhoods that are comparable to Whites (Alba and Logan 1991). The strong version of the place stratification model states that returns on human capital for Blacks do not translate into quality neighborhood outcomes comparable to Whites. The weak version of the model states that even when human capital does translate into higher quality neighborhood outcomes for Blacks, these neighborhoods are of lesser quality than for their majority

Blacks may be at disadvantage in their ability to access quality neighborhoods, due to lower (than other regions) and declining rates of racial residential segregation in the South, there may be reason to believe that this disadvantage would be reduced in the South.

MOBILITY

In general, for Blacks and Whites, the rate of the return migration to the South steadily grew from the late 1950's onward, although the South still lost more residents than it gained (Long and Hansen 1975; 1977). The first positive Southern net migration gain for Blacks was observed in the 1970 Decennial Census after decades of losing Black migrants to the Great Migrations to the North (Robinson 1986). Along with the growing Southern return migration also came an increase in the number of non-Southern-born persons (primary migrants) heading South (Long and Hansen 1975). Southern metropolitan areas compared to non-metropolitan areas are the preferred destinations for all migrant groups in the region (MDC, 2010). Increased opportunities reflected in the rising social and economic characteristics of the South have attracted more migrants to the region (McHugh 1987; Adelman et al 2000; Fuguitt et al 2001; Tolnay 2003; Falk et al 2004; Frey 2004; L Hunt et al 2008; Beale et al 2011; M Hunt et al 2012, 2013; Flippen 2013; Pendergrass 2013a; 2013b).

Lee (1966) summarizes Ravenstein's law of migration stating that pull and push effects are the two types of effects that cause mobility. Mobility under a pull effect refers to the attraction of the place of destination, while mobility under a push effect refers to the challenges that occur at the place of origin. As well, individuals who move longer distances face more intervening obstacles than short distance movers as information about opportunities over longer distances are more difficult to obtain than those over shorter ones (Miller 1978). Blacks moving across longer distances should be better equipped to access quality neighborhoods if their long

distance migration can be characterized by pull instead of push factors (Lee 1966). The former implies that migrants seeking opportunities at their destination, regardless of their point of origin experience, place them at an advantage to succeed. In contrast, the latter suggests that migrants fleeing challenges at their point of origin may be at a disadvantage at their destination.

Therefore, it is expected that Black primary migrants are more likely to find themselves in quality neighborhoods due to their positive selection from the non-South (Frey 2004) while Black return migrants in contrast would be more likely to experience decreased access to quality

neighborhoods in the South due to a mixed bag of push and pull factors (Frey 2004; Stack 1996). Although return migrants at earlier time periods have returned to the South under retirement conditions or due to a lack of success in the non-South, more recent return migrants find themselves pulled to the South in similar ways as primary migrants (Anderson forthcoming, 1). MINORITYCULTUREOFMOBILITY

The minority culture of mobility model suggests that in response to the effects of individual and institutional racism, minorities with socioeconomic resources would seek residence in Black middle-class neighborhoods (Neckerman et al 1999). Neckerman and colleagues (1999) also argue that the experience of middle-class Blacks is distinct from poor Blacks and middle-class Whites because middle-class Blacks face both discrimination and a distinct set of class-related issues, such as being pioneers in all White neighborhoods and feeling a sense of social isolated. Price-Spratlen (1999) finds that Blacks are more likely to move to areas that have a strong ethnogenic presence. Ethnogenic measures included NAACP activism, the number of African-American focused community papers, and the presence of the National Urban League. Also, the Black middle-class and population and neighborhoods have continued to generally increase (Lacy 2007; Pattillo 2005; Landry 1987). Although Blacks are open to a

diverse range of neighborhoods, with 50% White and 50% Black neighborhood as the most attractive neighborhood type (e.g. Clark 1991, 1992; Farley et al 1995; Bobo and Zubrinsky 1996; Charles 2006), there is reason to believe that this neighborhood preference may be different in a region with a sizable Black middle-class population. Affluent Blacks often choose to reside in neighborhoods with fewer black neighbors than they prefer because of the lack of affluent and predominately Black neighborhoods (Bayer et al 2005). Bayer and colleagues (2005) suggest that more wealthy Black enclaves will materialize as the size of an affluent Black population

increases. Thus, one might also expect higher socioeconomic Blacks to select to move into majority Black middle-class spaces due to the increased opportunity to do so in the region. Thus, in line with the minority culture of mobility model, Blacks with higher socioeconomic resources are likely to move into Black middle-class neighborhoods when they are available (Neckerman et al 1999).