1 922-1 930 1 6 1 7 1 1 0 1 1 1 2 1 5 1 0 1 1 93 1 - 1 93 5 4 7 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 8 3 4 3 1
As a postscript, it is also probable that both of these broader contextual factors intersected with various socio-economic realities in New Zealand. By the 1 920s people were perhaps generally better qualified and more financially able, than ever before, to respond to the perceived needs of the post-war world. Increasingly the demand and expectation was for skilled and qualified people to fill specific missionary roles and responsibilities, and the missionary workforce of the post-war period more properly fitted this expectation. Whilst the economy of the 1 920s was not uniformly robust, it was possible that more people from middle class urban, small town or rural backgrounds were better placed financially to respond to this post-war call for missionary recruits. If it was not so much educational qualifications, but rather qualities of personal spirituality and character that were being sought, then the situation was similar. Local and accessible institutions like the PWTI, NZBTI and Baptist Theological College provided a mix of theological, vocational and character training for greater numbers of lay people otherwise unqualified for the task or who, financially, could not consider overseas training.
Evangelical Mission in the Solomon Islands: The Foundation Years', Journal of Pacific History, 4 ( 1 969) pp. 41 -64; and Ross Weymouth, 'The Unevangelised Fields Mission in Papua, 193 1 - 1 98 1 ', Journal of Pacific History, 23 :2 ( 1 988), pp. 1 75-190
62
Student Record Cards, 1 922-1 962, Two Boxes, Secure Safe, Les W. Rushbrook Archive.
Chapter Five - Post-War Growth and Diversity, 1 9 1 9- 1 926
New Zealand Bible Training Institute Missionary Graduates
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e. O. C ut f'! . b rtson. Sol i " i a M 1". E . T . Price Can;oda M .. . R. N. Gil land. 6($" a r;} z;H 11.1 ... W. S" .... le So 11 It;.:.
Photo 5.1 - Composite Portraits of Selected Missionary Graduates from the New Zealand Bible Training Institute in the mid-1920s
Chapter Five - Post-War Growth and Diversity, 1 9 1 9- 1 926
The 1 926 New Zealand Missionary Conference, and the subsequent fonnation of the New Zealand National Missionary Council, epitomised the extent to which foreign missions engaged the attention of churches and leaders by the mid- 1 920s. In a letter to Margaret Walker (NZSCM), concerning his impending visit in 1 926, John R. Mott wrote that 'it has occurred to me that the leaders of the Christian forces in New Zealand might look with favour on our having a similar, though somewhat brief er, conference [to one also planned for Australia] , .63 Two things may have been in Mott's thinking when he made this suggestion. One was his understanding that the constitution of the International Missionary Council, fonned in 1 92 1 , theoretically provided for New Zealand missionary representation.64 Yet New Zealand did not yet have any national vehicle for such representation. The other related factor was the embryonic plan for a future international missionary conference (subsequently held in Jerusalem in 1 928), at which New Zealand should be represented.65
It appears that Mott's desire for such a national gathering met with equal enthusiasm in New Zealand, indicating that there was a fair degree of equanimity amongst those involved in or concerned for foreign missions. In April 1 926 at least 209 official delegates, plus other interested onlookers, gathered together at Dunedin's Knox Presbyterian Church for three days of inspiration, reports, discussion and deliberation. The presiding chainnan was the patriarchal and genial Presbyterian the Rev. William Hewitson who, in his post-conference comments, made much of the gathering's co operative tone and the remarkable consistency of attendance.66 This was an apt observation given that the 1 926 New Zealand and South Seas Exhibition was being held in Dunedin at the same time. The conference was the most ecumenical gathering to date, drawing on a wide and fairly representative cross-section of the Protestant community (Table 5 .8). The only other gathering that equalled this was the earlier 1 903 students' missionary conference in Christchurch, also convened because of Mott's presence. Just over two thirds of delegates represented denominational groups, with Presbyterians in the majority. Just over fifty per cent were delegates from Dunedin or its enVIrons,
63
John R. Mott to Margaret Walker, I June 1 925, Folder 2084, WSCF, 46/8, Yale.64 These details were listed in the minutes of an international missionary meeting held near Geneva in
1 920, which drafted provisions for the IMC. This document stated that 'Australasia' would be allotted two representatives on the IMC. The letters 'N.Z. ' are penciIIed in beside this, in Mott's handwriting, indicating that a final version would allow each country a representative in its own right. 'IMC 1 920- 1 927', Folder 2028, Box 1 23, Mott Papers, 45, Yale.
65
[NZBTl] Reaper, 4: 1 0 ( 1 926), p. 275 .66 ' Introduction', Report of the New Zealand Missionary Conference, pp. 6-7.
Chapter Five - Post-War Growth and Diversity, 1 9 1 9- 1 926
including seventy-one per cent of non-denominational representatives, suggesting that Dunedin was still a centre of quite diverse missionary interest. Women, however, barely made up one third of delegates and did not figure on the list of those making major presentations. Considering that women composed over two thirds of the actual missionary work force by this date, and were so dominant in organising missionary support, this was a telling comment on where the power lay in home-based missionary structures. Yet it was also obvious, from the attendance of substantial numbers of PWMU members, PWTI students, NZSCM women members and non-denominational women delegates, that women's participation was by no means discouraged.
Table 5.8 -Composition of Delegates to the Missionary Conference, 1 92667
Male Female Percent
Anglican
(6) 22 1 0 9 5 5Baptist
( 1 ) 1 3 6 77 23Churches of Christ
( 1 ) 7 3 86 1 4Congregational
( 1 ) 6 3 83 1 7Methodist
(3) 1 9 9 84 1 6Presbyterian
(9) 76 36 57 43Salvation Army
( 1 ) 1 0.5 1 00Students
(3) 32 1 5 59 4 1Mission Agencies69
( 1 6) 22 1 0 59 4 1Overseas
(3) 3 1 82 1 8Domestic
1 1 5 67 33 Totals 2 1 270 99.5 68 32It is also interesting to note who were not represented at the conference, at least in any official capacity - in particular members of the BWMU and MWMU, Brethren and B IM representatives, and personnel from the NZBTC1 This may have simply been a function of the conference's location in Dunedin, although it might be assumed that the Exhibition would have been an extra incentive for many to travel the distance. It may well be, however, that the conference's wide brief and representation was not palatable to all . The B IM is a case in point. George Allan was clearly unhappy over the conclusions of an earlier 1 9 1 6 ecumenical Protestant conference in Panama, which
67
Derived from 'RoIl of Delegates' , Report of the New Zealand Missionary Conference, pp. 1 02- 1 07.68
The bracketed figures refer to the number of individual departments or agencies represented.69 This means non-denominational mission agencies. Denominational mission societies or committees come within the denominational groupings above.
70
Three delegates were counted twice, as they each represented two orgarusations at the conference.71
There may, however, have been some unofficial representation from the NZBTI at some point, according to a report on the conference published in the NZB, June 1 926, p. 1 56.Chapter Five - Post-War Growth and Diversity, 1 9 1 9- 1 926
assessed Roman Catholic influences in Latin America in a positive light.72 The IMC was probably perceived to hold similar views and therefore held in some contempt. Allan was also wary of the propensity of denominational missions to accommodate a wide range of theological viewpoints. If so that might explain the non-attendance of either himself or other BIM delegates at the Dunedin conference, even though he was possibly in New Zealand around that time.73 So whilst the conference's representation reflected a willingness for a wide base of co-operation and participation, it also reflected small cracks in the Protestant veneer.
The conference did not cover much ground that was controversial or new. Mott had earlier voiced the hope that, through the conference, 'the outer world may have more fully the contribution that New Zealand has been providentially prepared to make' and that New Zealand citizens would have a ' larger part in co-operating with the rising churches of the Pacific basin areas, and in the non-Christian world in building up the Kingdom of God'.74 Referring to the so-called missionary council at Jerusalem, recorded in Acts 1 5 : 1 -29, the Rev. WiIIiam Hewitson further invoked the spirit of co operation amidst diversity and sought divine guidance in their deliberations.75 Mott's plenary addresses, and the reports on a variety of pre-conference surveys of New Zealand's home and foreign missionary activity, reflected a mix of pre-war optimism and the various post-war concerns that we have already identified. Reports and discussions covered the extent of New Zealand's missionary involvement, the context of the post-war world with a particular focus on the Pacific Basin, Maori and Home mission issues, missionary training and the education of the home churches with respect to their opportunities and obligations. Pragmatism over-ruled deeper theological or philosophical reflection on the issues, as delegates concentrated on facts, figures and practical outcomes. Even where a more philosophical turn was taken, as in discussion of the South Pacific, the language reflected the times - whereby Polynesian and Melanesian people were cast as the 'child races' who as ' adolescents' , could not remain children forever in the face of ongoing global change.76 Perhaps, in this pragmatic
72 Latourette, A History of the Expansion o/Christianity, vol. 7, p. 1 72; 'Editorial', Bolivian Indian, July 1 9 19, pp. 3-4.
73
Bolivian Indian, September 1 926, pp. 64-65; George Allan to M ary Allan, 2 August 1 926, George Allan Correspondence, 1 926-1 930, George and Mary Allan Personal Collection, Box 1 1 , BIM Archives.74 Otago Daily Times, 26 April 1 926, p. 5.
7 5 Report of the New Zealand Missionary Conference, p. 9. 7 6 ibid, pp. 72-8 1 .
Chapter Five - Post-War Growth and Diversity, 1 9 1 9- 1 926
approach, New Zealand displayed some affinity with the activist current that underlay the American missionary movement and which was exemplified in Mott' s approach and character. After this trip to New Zealand he recorded that ' as a result of preparation, not one day lost, not one hour unplanned, not one hour unprofitably unemployed, .77
The conference's outcomes were, by necessity, couched in practical terms. For example denominational children's and youth movements, along with other interdenominational agencies for young adults, were targeted as the most important groups amongst which to continue fostering missionary awareness and enthusiasm. Recommendations covered each of the major discussion areas of the conference, but not always with unanimity. It was obvious that there were differences of opinion between the denominational and non-denominational mission societies, particularly with respect to missionary training. The general tenor of the conference was that the highest standard of education, meaning university education, was essential for the complex contexts faced by new missionaries. Stalwarts of the non-denominational approach - R. S. Cree Brown, Dr. William Pettit, John Wilkinson, and the Rev. William Malcolm - proposed an alternative motion that placed equal emphasis on the need for missionaries with other forms of education and training.78 This was eventually withdrawn, but highlighted essential differences in approach and hinted at lingering traces of superiority on the part of the denominational societies. For the wider public the conference was reported on extensively in major newspapers and denominational literature. In addition a Presbyterian study booklet was published, based on the substance of the conference' s main addresses.79
The Conference's enduring outcome was the agreement to form the National Missionary Council for New Zealand. A draft constitution was later fine tuned and ratified at the Council's first meeting in November 1 926. The Council was charged with the task of promoting 'counsel and co-operation in the matters of common concern to the Missionary Agencies of New Zealand'. Furthermore it sought to aid churches in grappling with world and missiological issues, to co-ordinate and maximise pUblicity opportunities, to make representations to government and to liase with member councils
77 'Travel Notes and Itineraries, 1 925 to 1 927', Folder 2 1 1 5, Box 1 30, Mott Papers, 45, Yale; For an
incisive analysis of the American contribution to the international missionary movement, from the late nineteenth century onwards, see Walls, The Missionary Movement in Christian History, pp, 22 1 -240,
78 'Findings', Report of the New Zealand Missionary Conference, pp, 99-1 00,
Chapter Five - Post-War Growth and Diversity, 1 9 1 9- 1 926
of the IMC. Meeting regularly in Wellington, it was intended to be a representative body for both denominational and non-denominational agencies, and included both domestic and foreign missions in its brief and membership.8o In its initial years, at least, it mainly consisted of denominational representatives (Anglican, Baptist, Congregational, Methodist and Presbyterian), with a scattering of members from other groups - the NZSCM, the Mission to Lepers, the British and Foreign Bible Society and the Sudan United Mission. From early on, too, it had a consistent group of women executive members. Almost immediately, for instance, the Presbyterian FMC appointed the PWMU president as one of its representatives.81
Yet it was also in relation to membership of the Council that potential cracks within the missionary movement again showed up. In pre-conference surveys two of the mission agencies approached were not in favour of a Council, and another nine either held doubts or did not comment. 82 More specific reservations were possibly expressed by the CIM. In 1 926 John Falls and his wife told the North Island Council that they would resign as missionaries because of the Council's ' association with the NCC Council'. By this he was referring either to the CIM's representation at the Conference or a perception that they were a part of the newly formed Council. 83 In 1 927 the CIM was specifically approached about having membership on the Council. After deliberation the response was that 'the North Island Council of the CIM cannot see its way to accept an invitation to appoint a representative on the New Zealand National Missionary Council , .84 This was a somewhat enigmatic response. It may simply have been the case that they saw no practical way of having a member at meetings in Wellington, when the CIM's two councils were in Auckland and Dunedin. There were, however, official CIM Council members living in Wellington. It seems more likely that, as with the BIM, there were inherent suspicions over the nature and intentions of the National Missionary Council. Thus this Council could not ultimately be wholly representative.
80 'Constitution', 10 November 1 926, National Missionary Council of New Zealand, Minutes of
Executive and Annual Meetings 1 01 1 1 /26 to 2217143, 87-204, Box 7, National Council of Churches Co\lection, WTU.
8 1 7 December 1 926, Minutes of the PCNZ FMC, 1 924- 1 93 1 , Series 1, GAOOO 1 , PCANZ. 82
'Survey Number I . New Zealand's Present Share in the Missionary Enterprise', printed in pre conference papers, Miscellaneous Records, MS Papers 1 6 1 7, Folder 4, NZSCM Collection, WTU.
83
They did retire the following year, but it is unclear whether this was the ultimate reason. 5 November 1 926, Minutes of CIM North Island Council 1 9 1 2- 1 937, OMF Archives; Dalzell, New Zealanders in Republican China, 1 9 1 2- 1 949, pp. 1 84, 2 1 6.84
1 8 March 1 927, Minutes of CIM North Island Council 1 9 1 2- 1 937, OMF Archives.Chapter Five - Post-War Growth and Diversity, 1 9 1 9- 1 926
The Council never supplanted existing missionary work and structures. It brought together a relatively representative and diverse group of people who, in the nonnal course of events, would not have interacted outside of their own structures. Members regularly met between once and three times annually, at least up to 1 930.85 Discussions and agreements fed back into the life of the various member denominations and agencies. Two representatives travelled to the 1 928 Jerusalem Conference of the IMC, and reported back to the Council and member churches. Perhaps for the first time, too, churches had a collective voice by which to approach Parliament over such issues as the ongoing Anglo-French Condominium in the New Hebrides, and the organisation of famine relief in China.86 It would appear, then, that the missionary movement had found a forum in which regular dialogue could take place, amongst people whose concern for the wider world overcame the strictures of vestments and ecclesiology. Longer tenn the Council merged with the National Council of Churches (fonned in 1 94 1 ), and was instrumental in both the development of post-World War Two inter-church aid and New Zealand' s links with the international ecumenical movement.87
Ultimately the 1 920s signalled the beginning of global changes that would find their culmination in the years following World War Two. At the same time, however, it was obvious that there was still an overall mood of optimism concerning the place of missionary organisations in that wider global context. The Rev. John McKenzie (CVM) asserted optimistically in 1 928 that 'to-day in China we face the symbolic challenge of the Open Road' .88 Cataclysmic world events, and the prospect of future changes, were mostly viewed as a stimulus for greater effort. Furthennore it is probable that what missionaries were doing (and what the public perceived them as doing) was essentially not so different from previous decades, or from one type of organisation to another. Consider this Anglican children's cartoon from 1 932 (Figure 5.5). Quite obviously this was aimed at a young audience, and may not have been given too much attention by the magazine's adult readers. Yet it was the product of an adult artist. It suggests that the missionary discourse of the 1 920s and 1 93 0s, just as much as in earlier years, still tended towards a certain degree of paternalism, some deprecation of non-Christian
85
Extracted from an overall survey of the minutes of the National Missionary Council, 1 926- 1 944.86
1 7 February 1 927 and 3 1 October 1 928, National Missionary Council of New Zealand, M inutes of Executive and Annual Meetings 1 0/ 1 1 126 to 2217143, 87-204, Box 7, NCC Collection, WTD.87
Margaret Lovell-Smith, No Turning Back, Christchurch: National Council of Churches, 1 986, pp. 9-1 3.Chapter Five - Post-War Growth and Diversity, 1 9 1 9- 1 926
religion, and an emphasis on various Western cultural accoutrements right down to the deck chair and the missionary's cigarette. Further, in a period when missionary women outnumbered men two to one, it was also curious and telling that the missionary was still visually depicted as a male.
Figure 5.5 -Children's Cartoon: The Adventures of Inky and Nugget, 193289
THE ADVENTURES OF )!\UY AXD NUGGET. (Continue ri from December Issue.)
89
[NZABM] Reaper, February 1 932, p. 6.Chapter Six - Contributory Streams, 1 868-1 926
Six
Understanding the Contributory Streams, 1868-1926
6.1 Introduction