This chapter aims to define the evidence for the restoration of ideology and power in Late Helladic IIIC and to answer the question, ‘What may the phenomena of a seeming reestablishment of political power signify?’1In confronting this topic I
should begin by mentioning that I will concentrate on the Argolid, and especially on the site of Tiryns. I choose this procedure not so much because this is the site which I know best, nor because I think that the so-called ‘periphery’ of the Mycenaean world cannot significantly contribute to our understanding of the mentioned subject. The importance of Tiryns lies rather in the fact that it is cur- rently the only Mycenaean centre, where on the basis of the available archaeo- logical record a comparison between the circumstances in the palatial and post-palatial periods can be attempted. The concentration on the Argolid, though, inevitably has as its consequence that the conclusions which I will reach cannot be assumed to apply to other regions. On the other hand, it seems of par- ticular importance for a better knowledge of the still insufficiently known transi- tion between the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age to select a regional approach. Moreover, I would like to emphasise that it is in the nature of the subject of my paper that I will at many points pick up observations and sugges- tions, which were already made by others, and above all by K. Kilian and S. Deger-Jalkotzy.
1 I would like to thank the following for their valuable contributions to this paper: Melissa Vetters for her assistance in finding the documentation of the old excavations in the Tiryns archive in the German Archaeological Institute in Athens, Elizabeth French for her important comments on the post-palatial sequence in the Citadel House Area of Mycenae, Maria Kostoula for stimulat- ing discussions on the composition of the Tiryns treasure, Olga Krzyszkowska for sharing infor- mation on the correspondence between A. J. B. Wace and Sir Arthur Evans with me, Hartmut Matthäus for the discussion on the reconstruction of the large tripod of the Tiryns treasure, Peter Marzolff for the help in interpreting the documentation of the ‘Schatzhausgrabung’, Georg Nightingale for providing information on Mycenaean jewellery and Jerry Rutter for reading the article and for making many helpful suggestions on various of its topics. Special thanks go to Klaus Messmer for his outstanding drawings of the objects and the reconstruction of the Tiryns treasure
In order to evaluate possible links in the ideological sector between the palatial and post-palatial periods it is first necessary to provide a short general character- isation of the likely features of Mycenaean kingship in the thirteenth century . The combination of the few indications in the Linear B texts with the architec- tonic layout of the palaces points to an ideology which was centred on a ruling personality called wanax and which found its archaeological expression in the great megara of the palaces. The ruler combined religious and profane authori- ties, and he probably enjoyed aspects of divine worship (Baumbach 1979: 153–6; Palaima 1995: 133–4; Stavrianopoulou 1995: 427–30). Although it cannot be proven, a regulation of the succession to power according to principles of descent is likely, and accordingly the core of a kingdom was formed by a dynasty resid- ing in the palace. The palaces dominated through a complex administrative struc- ture a specific territory and exerted influence on long-distance trade as well as on specific sectors of the economy (Deger-Jalkotzy 1995: 370–4).
Until the early 1960s the prevailing research opinion assumed that as a conse- quence of the all-out destruction of the palaces not only administration and writing disappeared, but also that former centres like Tiryns were at least partially abandoned, and, like Mycenaean culture in general, sinking into a ‘Dark Age’ (see Desborough, Last Mycenaeans: 79, 225–7). But what are the indications which today call into doubt the notion of a complete break after the demise of the palaces and which even raise the possibility, that in the twelfth century an attempt was made to pick up the thread of traditions based on the old ideology? In the following I will focus on the realms of architecture and symbols of religious and profane power, and try to summarise the evidence relevant to our question. Subsequently, I will discuss what conclusions should be drawn from the revival of palatial elements and how these elements possibly were integrated into the frame- work of the social order of the post-palatial period.
In the last forty years excavations in Mycenae and Tiryns, and to a lesser degree also in Midea, have shown that after the destruction around 1200 the citadels with their Cyclopean fortifications were repaired and the occupation resumed. Even more important than the establishment of a mere settlement continuity is the evidence that in the heart of the Upper Citadel of Tiryns some of the most important architectural forms of palatial times were revived in LH IIIC. Not only was the Great Megaron replaced by another megaron, namely Building T, but also the Great Court was at least to some degree cleared from the remains of the catastrophe and the altar transformed from a round to a platform-like structure (Maran 2000: 13–16; 2001: 113–16). Moreover, it is likely that at the same time the Western Staircase, which was temporarily blocked by debris, and the staircase from the Middle Citadel to the Upper Citadel were repaired and reused.2In this
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2 If the interpretation given in Maran 2001: 115–16 is correct, the phase of the repair of the Western Staircase after the deposition of the destruction deposit with the frescoes (see Müller 1930: 45–6, 209) should belong to the post-palatial period. Recently, excavations by the Fourth
way the imposing approach linking directly the western part of the Lower Town and the harbour with the palace was restored. Attempts for the reconstruction of architectural forms of palatial times during LH IIIC can also be observed else- where in the Argolid. The closest analogy for the changes on the Upper Citadel of Tiryns can be found at Midea, where the excavation of G. Walberg on the Lower Terraces gave evidence for the transformation of a large megaroid LH IIIB building into a post-palatial structure quite similar to Building T (Walberg 1995: 87–91; Maran 2001: 117). Provided that E. French is right and the so-called Geometric building beneath the archaic temple of Mycenae was of Late Helladic date (French 2002: 136–8), we would have another example for the construction of a building with imposing dimensions in the central part of a palace. In con- trast to Tiryns and Midea, though, this building would not have followed in its ground-plan and orientation the former palatial structures.
While in Tiryns we can ascertain, in spite of the qualitative differences in archi- tecture, a remarkable architectural continuity in the area of the central complex of the Great Megaron and the Court, the Lower Citadel of Tiryns gives a quite different picture. After the destruction neither the structuring principles of pala- tial occupation nor architectural forms like the corridor-house were revived. Instead, we encounter in the twelfth century in the Lower Citadel and the Lower Town of Tiryns a mostly village-like occupation, characterised by the arrange- ment of houses around courtyards (Kilian 1983: 76–7; 1985: 75–7). Kilian drew a comparison between these features and the economically self-sufficient house- holds described by Homer (Finley, World of Odysseus: 83–5, 105–6; Donlan 1985: 299–300; 1989: 7–13), and in addition he inferred from the post-palatial settle- ment plan a social order, in which the difference in status between the dominat- ing group residing in the Citadel and the subordinate population of the Lower Town had become almost unrecognisable (Kilian 1983: 77–81; 1985: 80–1; 1988: 135). The ideas of Kilian concerning the similarity of the LH IIIC way of settle- ment to the Homeric descriptions were carried on by Deger-Jalkotzy when she considered that the unit of independent oikoi mentioned by Homer may have emerged already immediately after the demise of the palaces (Deger-Jalkotzy 1991a: 59). I agree with this opinion, because by assuming the existence of strong and competing families we are able, as will be shown, to explain some of the con- spicuous processes of change from the thirteenth to the twelfth centuries . However, in contrast to Kilian, I see no reason to argue that the population living Ephorate of the Greek Antiquity Service in the area of the upper part of the Western Staircase have led to the discovery of undisturbed stratified deposits of the same sediments which were investigated in 1910. Thanks to the careful excavation it will be possible through analysis of the pottery and the many new fresco fragments to shed new light on the stratigraphic sequence in this area. This excavation also showed that the staircase linking the Middle Citadel with the Upper Citadel in its current version represents a phase of repair of an earlier staircase. Although the latest phase of this staircase cannot be dated stratigraphically, its quite heterogeneous appearance created by the reuse of spolia of an earlier staircase would be consistent with the architectural possibilities of post-palatial times.
in the LH IIIC Lower Town was subordinate to the inhabitants of the Citadel. The main reason for this assessment lies in the remarkable dynamic unfolding in the Lower Town in post-palatial times.
Excavations in the north-western and north-eastern parts of the Lower Town have confirmed that in the early twelfth century a zone to the north of the citadel, which previously had been flooded, was built over.3The basis for these
building activities was in all likelihood already created in the late palatial period by the construction of the dam of Kofini and the diversion of the stream which had caused the flooding. Already then one of the motives for this drastic measure may have been the wish to develop new building areas in the Lower Town. But seemingly these plans were not carried out until after the demise of the palace. Kilian expressed the opinion that these building activities of the post-palatial period may have followed a carefully planned lay-out (Kilian 1985: 76; 1988: 135). Today this view is corroborated by the proof of a simultaneous start of building activities in two spatially separated parts of the northern Lower Town, as well as by the remarkably similar orientation of post-palatial architecture in these exca- vations (Maran 2002: 8–11; 2004: 283). Furthermore, based on the results of geo- physical research carried out in 2002 by a team under the direction of Chr. Hübner it is likely that we can trace architecture with this particular orientation and probably of the same date also in the western Lower Town.
In trying to explain the remarkable boost in building activities during LH IIIC we should not solely look at external factors, like a population growth caused by the influx of refugees in the aftermath of the turmoil around 1200 (Kilian 1988: 135), but rather explore the possibility of an internal restructuring of occu- pation in Tiryns. In this context three factors have to be borne in mind: Firstly, after the destruction of the palace only certain parts of the acropolis were re- claimed. On the Upper Citadel apart from areas with high political significance like the Megaron-Court complex the main part of the former palace evidently was not rebuilt, and the narrow Building T must have stood quite isolated among the partially cleared and leveled ruins of the palace (Müller 1930: 213–15; Maran 2001: 118). Given this situation, it seems questionable whether Building T should be interpreted as a residence of a specific group. Instead, as recently has been argued by T. Mühlenbruch 2002: 48, it could have served as a communal hall in which under the direction of a ruler on certain occasions gatherings took place. Secondly, with Megaron W dating to LH IIIC Middle and a building subdivided by multiple rows of columns dating to LH IIIC Early, which was recently discov- ered in the northeastern Lower Town (Maran 2002: 8; 2004: 277–8; fig. 16), we know already two structures outside the walls of the acropolis, standing out in size and ground-plan from the rest of contemporary architecture. In the Lower
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3 Northwestern Lower Town: cf. Kilian 1978: 449–57. For the recent excavations in the Northeastern Lower Town of Tiryns see Maran, 2002: 7–11; 2004: 277–84; Touchais, Huber and Philippa-Touchais 2000: 803–4; 2001: 831–3.
Citadel by contrast only Room 115 of LH IIIC Middle comes close to these struc- tures (Kilian 1978: 465–6, fig. 18; 1992: 23). Thirdly, even if the post-palatial building activities in the Lower Town simply picked up the thread of concepts of the palatial period, this does not mean that the intentions of the decision-makers before and after 1200 were identical. Thus, the driving force behind the devel- opment of the Lower Town in the early twelfth century may have been the fami- lies of the new upper class, who, after being freed from the constraints of palatial rule, claimed areas in the surrounding of the citadel for themselves, and articu- lated their new self-confidence by the construction of new, and, in some cases, impressive living quarters. Seen from this perspective, the described phenomena could mark the beginning of a shift in the preference for living quarters away from the hill to its environs, a process which eventually led a hundred years later to the abandonment of the acropolis (Maran 2002: 8–11).
When we turn to the realm of symbols of power, it has to be stressed that the case of the Tirynthian Upper Citadel constitutes the most persuasive sign not only for the restoration of crucial palatial structures, but also for the revival of the ideas associated with them. The inclusion of the place of the throne in Building T indi- cates the continued focus of social hierarchy on one person, and in addition the re-modelling of the hypaethral altar points to the continuation of the performance of ritual linked to the megaron (Maran 2001: 117–20). Another line of continuity is suggested by the location of the LH IIIC cult buildings in the Lower Citadel exactly at a spot where already in palatial times ritual activities were performed (Kilian 1981: 53; 1992: 21–4). Similarly, in post-palatial Mycenae there is evidence for the continued attribution of religious significance to the area of the cult centre, since in its northwestern part above the ruins of the Room of the Fresco a new cult room was established after the catastrophe.4Even more important for our ques-
tion is the sequence in the neighboring Southwestern Quarter. There House Alpha dating to LH IIIB, in which the ‘Mykenaia’ came to light, was followed by three LH IIIC-building horizons, the latest of which yielded fragments of three different fresco compositions, among them the ‘Lady with the Lily’.5Evidently, in palatial
and post-palatial times there existed buildings in the Southwestern Quarter richly 4 Taylour 1981: 36, 38, 40–3, 53, Plan 4–5; Albers 1994: 51. Dr Elizabeth French has kindly made available to me extracts from the current draft of her final publication of the stratified post-pala- tial levels in the Citadel House Area (French, forthcoming). In this publication she will concur with Lord William Taylour’s identification of the rooms by the Citadel Wall as potentially cultic, but she emphasises that this is based on architectural not artefactual evidence.
5 Mylonas 1971: 147, pl. 181; Kritseli-Providi 1982: 18–19, 37–40 (no. B-1, ‘Mykenaia’), 73–6 (no. G-1, ‘Lady with the Lily’), 80–9; Iakovidis 1983: 50; Tournavitou 1999: 123. Since he was aware of the extraordinary importance of fresco fragments appearing in a secure LH IIIC-context and of the possibility of earlier finds appearing re-deposited in much later contexts, Mylonas dis- cussed the stratigraphic association in particular detail. The pieces of the frescos were found only 5 cm above a floor dating to LH IIIC, under which another floor of the same period came to light. Moreover, the tendency of schematisation of the hair-style and the simplification of the costume noticed by Kritseli-Providi 1982: 75 are stylistical arguments supporting a late dating of the fresco of the ‘Lady with the Lily’.
decorated with frescoes of female figures. This demonstrates, as G. E. Mylonas has noted, a continuity of the cultic function of this specific area from the thirteenth to the twelfth centuries (Mylonas 1972: 28; see also Albers 1994: 48–52; Tournavitou 1999: 123, 127).
Despite these links between the thirteenth and twelfth centuries we should not forget the discontinuity of certain political and religious symbols. The most marked change consists in the abandonment of the large central hearth as an obligatory feature of imposing buildings like Building T, Megaron W or the Megaron of Midea (Walberg 1995: 89–91; Maran 2001: 117–18). Moreover, the context of employing fresco painting must have changed in LH IIIC, because in contrast to the palaces, not one of the post-palatial Megara, let alone the normal domestic quarters, gave unequivocal evidence for pictorial fresco decoration. In fact, the frescos from the South-western Quarter of Mycenae remain the only indication that this craft still flourished in LH IIIC.6 This explains, why the
chronological attribution of the frescos was questioned (Immerwahr 1990, 120, 148 with n. 5; Kontorli-Papadopoulou 1996: 62), but given the detailed discus- sion of the stratigraphic position of the finds by the excavator this seems unwar- ranted.7 Instead, I would draw from the rarity of fresco decoration in
post-palatial times the conclusion, that in spite of the still existing outstanding artistic abilities documented by the ‘Lady with the Lily’ the use of pictorial wall- painting in the post-palatial period for certain reasons became a much more restricted phenomenon than in palatial times. As I will try to show, the aban- donment of the central hearth and the changed significance of fresco-painting may go back to the same cause, namely the altered position of rulership in LH IIIC.
But apart from the problem of continuity or discontinuity of architectural structures the question arises, what may have happened to the moveable symbols of kingly power? At first sight this question seems merely rhetorical, because apparently the symbols of authority of palatial times are concealed to our knowl- edge8and, thus, how should we be able to discuss the possibility of their reuse in
the twelfth century ? It seems to me, though, that the situation is not that hope-
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6 Because of its close stylistic and iconographic relationship to pictorial vase painting (Immerwahr 1990: 148–9; Rutter 1992: 65 and nn. 10 and 12) the painted lime-plastered stele with warriors from Mycenae should probably be excluded from the argumentation regarding the continuity of fresco painting into the post-palatial period.
7 Peterson 1981: 67 and n. 119; Immerwahr 1990: 191 (my no. 5); Kontorli-Papadopoulou 1996: 62 all seem to refer to the English summary in Mylonas 1972: 38–9, where the excavator states that ‘a large fragment of fresco representing the head of a woman, was found on the topmost layer of the LH IIIC fill of the south area.’ This wording is somewhat misleading, since the rela- tionship of the painted plaster fragments to the different LH IIIC-floors, which is clearly spelled out in Mylonas 1971: 147 (see n. 5 above) is missing, and the impression may arise, that they were found in the upper part of an undifferentiated fill.
8 As for symbols of authority of the palatial period in Greece and on Cyprus, see Kourou 1994: