This section examines typical IELTS candidates and, therefore, the expected audience for the forum.
While IELTS does not release many details on candidate profiles, the bulk of 2011’s 1.7 million IELTS candidates came from China, South East Asia and South Asia (IDP.com, 2012). In 2008, over 260,000 candidates came from China alone, with 43% aged over 22 and most hoping to study Master’s degrees or higher (British Council, 2009). The 2004 figure for the Middle East, North, Central and Southern Africa totaled just 6% (Hawkey, 2005).
Studies on candidates in specific colleges and countries provide more detailed information (Merrifield, 2008, 2012; Merrylees, 2003; Moore et al., 2011; Woodrow, 2006). In China in 2009 most candidates (57%) were between 19 and 22 (British Council, 2009), but Merrylees (2003) found a mean age of 31 among candidates in Australia taking IELTS for immigration, with an average age of over 35 for Filipino candidates. Candidates intending to immigrate had IELTS band scores slightly higher than those of university-enrolled students. Moore et al. (2011) described Cambodian test takers as males, aged 25-29, employed, comparatively well-educated, using English at work, taking private classes in English, and more aware of their weaknesses in English than younger students.
Rea-Dickins et al. (2007) cautioned against overly-simple characterizations, or what Saravanamuthu termed ‘cultural monolithism’ (2008, p. 141). Examining the impact of IELTS on a group of Chinese students in the UK, Rea-Dickins et al. argued for a move away from traditional labels, for example in terms of gender, country context, or L1, and towards a focus on learning ability and membership of new academic communities.
This thesis will propose the existence of two groups of IELTS candidates: one in conventional educational settings preparing for primary degrees, generally younger and with access to teachers and traditional resources, and a second, older group of
graduates generally preparing alone outside formal educational settings, with less support or access to resources, and preparing to emigrate or study overseas.
2.2.1 IELTS Candidates as Autonomous Learners
IELTS candidates from the second group described above may need to be what Haythornthwaite (2008) describes as autonomous learners: “responsible for, and in many cases alone in creating their own learning context and content as they search the internet for materials to support their needs” (Cuthell, 2003; Haythornthwaite, 2008, p. 598; Little, 2003). The Council of Europe’s Modern Languages Project define autonomy as the ability to take charge of one’s own learning (Holec, 1980): such autonomous learners need to direct their own problem-solving processes (Dalsgaard, 2006), and identify resources, test personal beliefs, and decide how to proceed based on their needs, perceptions, and experiences (Hannafin, 1999). Online learning particularly requires learners to take responsibility for their own learning (Dunlap & Grabinger, 2003). However, “not all learners are prepared for such ownership” (Dunlap & Grabinger, 2003, p. 2), requiring skills such as critical media literacy and technology literacy (Haythornthwaite, 2008).
McConnell (2006) noted that for students to become lifelong learners, they must develop skills of self-regulation and self-assessment, or be “weaned away” from over- reliance on the opinions of others (Candy, Crebert, & O’Leary, 1994, p. 150). Boud and Falchikov (2006) described teacher-centered assessment and feedback as undermining students’ capacity to judge their own work.
Autonomy, however, does not always mean working alone: Boud (1988) noted that interdependence requires a choice of learning partners and settings, or a sense that members matter to each other (McMillan & Chavis, 1986), and Bielaczyc and Collins (1999) suggested a need to become dependent on other students’ contributions, with such “structural dependence” creating reasons for working together and increasing mutual respect and self-esteem.
Autonomy is also associated with more overtly political thinking, such as the rejection of traditional classrooms and moves to new language pedagogy and learning (Benson, 2007). However, Williams, Karousou, and Mackness (2011) warned against the “normative overtones” of the drive towards network learning, learner autonomy, and emergence, with an over-emphasis on autonomy resulting in inadequate support and learner isolation (Williams et al., 2011, p. 40).
Candidates in enrolled in conventional classes and receiving IELTS preparation may have better access to textbooks and teachers, and perhaps to face-to-face feedback. These advantages, however, combined with less self-reliance and perhaps less self- regulation, may make them less likely to seek out alternative resources such as IELTS websites or primary sources such as native speakers, social media, or newspapers. Such resources can facilitate direct entry into L2 user communities for more
autonomous IELTS learners (Sockett & Toffoli, 2012), regardless of any limitations in their previous educational experiences.
The effectiveness of IELTS preparation varies, with accusations of rote learning in some reports. Brown (1998) found a one-band increase after focused preparation for IELTS writing over ten weeks, and Zhendong (2009) found that an IELTS
preparation course in Hong Kong motivated students to learn more on their own or with classmates. However, Green (2005, 2007) found very limited value for IELTS preparation, with quicker improvement limited to lower-level candidates. Mickan and Motteram (2009) noted that most candidates at one Australian center had not taken any courses, despite the test being a ‘significant aspiration’ with many taking the test repeatedly. Instead, candidates reported informal learning activities such as reading novels, watching TV, or working in an English-speaking environment, as well as doing IELTS-related practice tests or reading textbooks.
Summary: Profiles of Forum Members
In summary, IELTS candidates can be usefully be into divided into two groups, one in formal learning and one in informal learning settings. This second group tends to be older, from middle-income and developing countries, with at least a primary degree, taking the IELTS for further study or immigration abroad, and characterized by greater autonomy, either by disposition or circumstance. Perhaps working or married with family, most are preparing for major changes in their academic, professional, or socio-economic circumstances. Their experiences with learning English, teaching methods, and L2 writing may vary considerably. With many such candidates
preparing alone for the exam, themes of autonomy, interdependence, and identity are important for understanding their participation.