Wyndham hoped that the increased delegations would include at least one federal parliamentarian, one state parliamentarian and (a concession to the 'grass-roots' sub-text) one FEC
representative. Furthermore the FPLP leader and deputy leader, as well as Labor's Senate leader and deputy leader, would be automatically accredited. So would each SPLP leader. Wyndham also envisaged 2 delegates from the Labor Women's Organisation Committee and a delegate each from the ACT and the Northern Territory. In all, Conference would have 74 rather than 36
delegates, with key politicians automatically included.^ Wyndham saw merit in the suggestion that all FPLP members should have speaking rights, but preferred a more
manageable proposal, giving such access to 'shadow Ministers'. Wyndham's rationale embodied a technocratic conceptualisation of Conference. He was seeking to tap 'the expert knowledge of the key people in the Caucus'. Ordinary Conference delegates lacked 'detailed knowledge' on many issues.
Federal Executive reconstruction was also
recommended. The FPLP leader and deputy leader should be added. The Executive should meet more often. That might get it a better press. Disciplinary disputes should be resolved more speedily. Federal officers and FPLP officers should
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constitute a supervisory high policy committee, to ensure platform coherence and consistency.
Wyndham urged the establishment of a federal finance committee made up of a federal party treasurer (elected by the Federal Executive), two other federal officers and the FPLP leader and deputy leader. Wyndham criticised Labor's
'slapdash' financing at the 1965 NSW conference ( 'Unity the First Essential Says Wyndham', Canberra Times, 15 June 1965):
What business would expend its energies in raising half a million and then fritter it away in the manner we do (quoted, '"One Voice" Urged for ALP', Sydney Morning Herald, 15 June 1965). 7
This was for party professionalisation.
Wyndham's proposals suggested an alliance between the FPLP leadership and a reconstructed federal 'machine'. He had his own barrow to push. His proposals upgraded the role of the federal secretary (included in both high policy and federal
suggest increased Secretariat staffing, finance permitting and a superannuation scheme for party officials. Labor's 'humble civil servant' had a personal and institutional agenda to pursue, but his report was not simply an exercise in
bureaucratic politics.
To improve Labor's electoral campaigning, Wyndham targeted specific groups of voters (women, youth and
unionists). Other suggestions included earlier preselections, more professional use of the media, more concentration on
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marginal seats and (surprise, surprise) greater involvement by the federal secretary.
Wyndham recommended giving the Labor Women's
Organisation greater status. The LWCOC was 'a rather insipid body' with limited powers. Its decisions were ignored. He would reconstitute it as a standing policy committee on women's affairs. It should nominate a woman for every other policy committee. As well as the two LWCOC Federal Conference
delegates the LWCOC secretary should be given an advisory seat
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on the Federal Executive. Wyndham's proposals were mainly involved with cosmetic improvements to Labor's 'image' with women voters. They also involved hesitant steps towards
internal reform in a very male-dominated party. Wyndham was sympathetic towards the cause of increasing the clout of the Labor Women's Organisation.^ Although sometimes expressed rather patronisingly, this was well received by LWCOC leaders. Wyndham did not address the question of the obstacles to
women's participation inherent in many ALP traditions and practices.
Youth was another target category. Young people, like women, were not a homogeneous group, but Labor would suffer if it was seen as 'an old man's party'T Wyndham
recommended a federal youth advisory committee (of six members, under 25).
Perhaps it was strange for a party with the history, structure and traditions of the ALP to see unionists as an electoral target group requiring special attention. Wyndham felt it necessary to press home that important changes were afoot in the union movement. Labor should not be complacent about unionists as voters. Nor could institutional party/union relations be taken for granted.
Labor had problems with its affiliated blue-collar unions. In particular, Wyndham warned, the involvement of union officials in ALP faction fights often led to negative perceptions of the ALP at union-membership level. Labor's
approach to unionists as voters was predicated on outdated assumptions :
The Party itself alienates many unionists by assuming that they think in the same way as they did twenty years ago. References to the 'workers', the 'working class' and the 'underprivileged' are just so much meaningless and sometimes offensive jargon in modern society. A glance at the
Taxation Commission Reports shows that not all the cars, all the boats and all the holiday homes are owned by 'the bosses'. In any case, many of the underprivileged are not organised or eligible to be organised in unions.
This was the clearest instance in the report of Wyndham's fondness for 'modernisation' rhetoric. 'Affluence' and the
'end of class' were often seen as sociological explanations for British Labour's travails. British 'revisionists' took up the argument of Abrams and Rose (1960) for polemical purposes.
Wyndham, in Australia a few years later, followed in their footsteps. His 'modernisation' rhetoric relegated 'class' to the realm of 'traditionalism'. His argument for annual Federal Conferences was not couched in terms of 'party democracy', but on the grounds that parties had to keep up with changing times. Policy made today could 'well become outmoded tomorrow1.
Wyndham thought Labor could improve its relations with white- collar unions. ACPSA should be invited onto the Commonwealth
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Labor Advisory Council. State Branches should develop links with professional associations. As in other areas, he thought
a new committee was the appropriate federal response. The Executive should establish a consultative committee made up of members of professional and salaried associations. Wyndham
also advocated a general campaign to convince unionists of the benefits of ALP affiliation.
Wyndham's personal and institutional agenda shaped his concern with more uniform national rules. He drew
attention to anomalies of procedure and practice in the
organisation of preselection ballots for federal candidates. A more national approach was easily justifiable on
'rationalistic idealist' grounds, given Labor ideology on
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centralism." It would also increase the power of a
reconstructed federal 'machine' within the party. Wyndham suggested an incremental approach. The Federal Executive should review state conference and executive decisions, which affected 'the conditions of candidature for the Federal
Parliament'. Preselection methods varied considerably. Only two states retained 'rank-and-file' ballots; NSW (where branch members took part) and Queensland (where affiliated unionists
could also vote). Wyndham was wary of disturbing the Branches. Preselections for the next election were about to begin.
7B Party Democracy : Sub-Text
Wyndham's concern for party professionalisation led to consistent, interrelated recommendations on improving
Labor's image, involving the federal parliamentarians more in the federal 'machine'; new approaches to policy-making and electoral campaigning; and more nationally standardised rules. In a more professionalised party, the Federal Secretary would be an important figure. There was another side to the Wyndham
Report, its sub-text on membership participation, intra-party democracy and such topics. Thus Wyndham hoped, rather piously, that the increased state delegations to Federal Conference
might each include at least one FEC representative. More
substantially, perhaps, he recommended improved access for FECs and federal unions to Federal Conference and Executive.
Material for the federal bodies normally had to go through state Branch channels.
Wyndham wanted to rehabilitate the 'grass roots' ALP (FECs and local branches). His argument was not so much 'party democracy' as the dividends that better local organisation
could pay in increased electoral competitiveness. FECs were poorly funded 'Cinderellas'. The local branch, the party's
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