Xama 15-18, 2002-2005: 73-99 Mendoza, Argentina
ISSN0327-1250
THE CHANCA CONFEDERATION; POLITICAL MYTH
AND ARCHEOLOGICAL REALITY
FRANK MEDDENS, CIRILO VIVANCO POMACANCHARI
*
RESUMEN
Este trabajo pretende alcanzar una definición más cercana a los patrones arqueológicos que emergen del período intermedio tardío en el territorio que la mitología inca adjudica a los «chankas», y a compararlos con la ocupación inca temprana y del Intermedio Tardío en el área del Cuzco.
Los chankas tienen una gran importancia en la percepción inca sobre los orígenes y establecimiento de su imperio. La caída de los primeros es instrumental al establecimiento de Pachacuti Inca Yupanki como un individuo sumamente poderoso. La derrota de los chankas le permite ganar ascendente político y fundamentalmente, reorganizar las prácticas administra-tivas y de organización del estado inca.
La descripción de los chankas como nos ha llegado a través de la mayoría de las crónicas de fuentes españolas los convierte en una gran amenaza para la supervivencia e independencia de los incas, capaces de movilizar fuerzas militares significativas, y de trasladarlas y proveer-las a través de distancias considerables sobre territorio enemigo. Este trabajo argumenta que la evidencia arqueológica contradice esta opinión.
ABSTRACT
This paper aims to achieve a closer definition of the archaeological patterns emerging for the Late Intermediate period in the territory ascribed in Inca mythology to the 'Chankas', and to compare these with the Late Intermediate and early Inca occupation in the Cusco area.
The Chankas feature very large in the Incas perception of the origins and establishment of their empire. Their demise is instrumental in establishing Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui as a very powerful individual. The Chanka defeat enables him to gain political ascendancy and to fundamentally reorganise the administrative and organisational practices of the Inca state.
The Incas description of the Chankas as passed on to us through mostly Spanish chronicle sources makes them out to be a major threat to Inca survival and independence, capable of mobilising substantial military forces, and marching and supplying these over considerable distances in hostile territory. It is argued here that the archaeological evidence contradicts this view.
The Inka view of the Chancas
he reign of Viracocha Inca is said to have
witnessed the invasion of Inka territory by
Chankas. Betanzos states that the ruler of the
Chanka nation had six captains under him who
went by the names of Malma, Rapa, Yanavilca,
Tequellovilca, Guamanguaraca and Tomayguaraca.
This Chanka king heard that Viracocha Inka laid
claim to being the ruler of all the earth and it
appeared a good notion to him to find out what
Viracocha's power was. He agreed that his captains
should go to Condesuyu (Malma and Rapa) and
Andesuyu (Yanavilca and Tequellovilca) and he
with the remaining two of his captains in the centre
would go directly to Cusco, and that this way he
would be lord of all the earth and by his hand he
would make Viracocha his subject (Betanzos 1987
[1551],21-24).
Under their leaders Hastu Huaraca and Tomay
Huaraca, and with their ruler 'Uscovilca' the
Chankas are said to have crossed the Apurimac and
demanded the submission of the Inka ruler.
Viracocha Inca and his son and preferred successor
Urco, retreated to the area of Calca. One of
Viracocha's other son's, Inka Yupanqui, who had
irritated his father on many earlier occasions, stated
that he did not want to be subject of Uscovilca
(Betanzos 1987 [1551], 27-28), remained in Cusco
and organised its defence. He is said to have
managed to unite some of the Inka's allies such as
the Aymaraes and Cotapampas against the
advancing Chancas. Inka Yupanqui appealed to,
and had a vision of the Apu Viracocha Pacha
Yachachic (Betanzos 1987 [1551], 32) and
managed to inspire his host in its stand against the
Chancas. Savage fighting followed, Inca Yupanqui
led his forces and beat the Chankas back, the very
stones (pururauca) are said to have metamorphosed
into warriors and have come to the aid of the Inkas.
At this battle Uscovilca himself fell (Betanzos
1987 [1551], 33). The Chankas were beaten and
pursued back to their base at Ichupampa. Eventually
Pachacuti Inka Yupanqui, as he was now known,
subjugated the Chankas at Ichupampa. The skulls of
their leaders were made into drinking cups and their
skin into drums. Following this victory and a series of
other adventures Pachacuti reorganised the Inka state,
took the 'Royal Fringe' and started the expansion of
what became the Inka empire.
Cieza de Leon tells us that Viracocha had
handed the 'Royal Fringe' to Urco who was a
drinker and womaniser who left the affairs of state
to Inka Yupanqui (Pachacuti). It was then that the
Chankas, after defeating the Quichuas, under Hastu
Huaraca and Omoguaraca crossed the Apurimac
river and marched on Cusco. Pachacuti organised
the defence as the Chankas struck camp on the
Carmenca hill overlooking the city. Following
failed negotiations the Chankas attacked, the
ensuing battle cost many lives leaving the Inkas
victorious, and Hastu Huaraca and some 500
survivors to retreat back across the Apurimac.
Pachacuti was declared king and got the remains of
the fallen Chanka warriors skinned and stuffed to
be erected on the battlefield, where the Spaniards
who carne with Almagro to Cusco still saw them.
Pachacuti negotiated a peace with Hastu Huaraca.
Following these events Pachacuti conquered
Andahuaylas, the land of the Soras and Vilcas
(Cieza de León 1968 [1551], 123-132).
Betanzos and Cieza were the earliest chroniclers
to describe these events. Later ones, such as
Sarmiento de Gamboa (1999 [1572], 86-97; also
Julien 2000), Cabello Valboa (1951 [1586],
298-304) and Garcilaso de la Vega (1721 [1609],
151-155) describe variations on this theme. All versions
to some extent have fantastic or mythical elements.
With some chroniclers Santa Cruz Pachacuti
Yamqui Salcamaygua the story has an increasingly
mythical slant to it (1993 [1613], 217-221).
Guaman Poma's rendering, which is yet more
fantastic or magical, plays at the time of Manco
Capac (Guaman Puma de Ayala 1980 [1615], 66).
In this account Anca Uallo Chanka is said to have
come out of the Choqlococha lake with 150,000
followers without women, children or old people.
Anca Uallo wanted to be Inka, but Manco Capac
killed him. After the death of their ruler the
Chankas passed through the mountains to the
Northern sea to the cold lands behind the
mountains, where they are to this day. Clearly one
thing which is certain is that this Chanka war
constituted a seminal moment in Inca 'history'
(Guillen Guillen and Lopez Mendoza 1980, 41).
Terminology with respect to Inka history, myth
and legend has been discussed by a number of
different authors (Steele 2002, 32). The cyclical
nature of the way events are structured in Inka
stories effects the manner in which incidents are
portrayed in Inka narrative. There are obvious
difficulties in separating 'historical fact' from
aspects of ritualised form and mythology in Inka
stories. Urton uses the term 'mythohistory' for Inka
history (Urton 1990, 5-7). Zuidema in one of his
interpretations of the Chanka wars sees them as
T
The Chanca Confederation; political myth and archaeological reality 75
potentially deriving from historical events
(Zuidema 1989a, 205-218) although in a further
discussion he determines them as reflecting a
conflict between the religious and secular aspects
of Inka society (Zuidema 1989b [1983], 332-341).
In his view much of the Inka dynastic accounts
lacks any historicity but are useful in terms of its
reflecting the social structure of Inca society. The
Inkas undeniably had a historical consciousness
and recorded their views about events in the past
on quipu's, in poetry and on painted wooden tablets
(Julien 2000, 11-16). The fact that the Inka state
and sovereignty in one form continued and was
recognised by the Spanish crown until 1572 means
that some forms and views of Inka history and the
Inka interpretation of it was seen by contemporary
Spanish sources (Julien 2000, 13). It is from this
perspective that a degree of confidence can be had
in the existence of an underlying historicity in
many of the Inka accounts. This does not deny that
there is also a structure and formula to much of the
material, which does allow us to access aspects of
social structure of Inka society as a result. Clearly
what is certain is that the Chanka war constituted a
seminal moment in Inca 'history', and in their view
of how their state started its expansion (Guillen
Guillen and Lopez Mendoza 1980, 41).
The Late Intermediate Period settlement pattern
A number of areas now thought to have been
included in the region which formed part of what has
been described as the 'Chanka Confederation'
(Lumbreras 1959) have been subjected to
archaeological fieldwork. These areas include the
Qaracha valley (Earls 1981; Earls and Silverblatt
1977; 1979; Valdez, Vivanco and Chavez 1990;
Valdez and Vivanco 1994; Vivanco Pomacanchari
1998; 2000; 2003), the Chicha valley (Meddens 1981;
1984; 1985; 1994; 2001 ;Ms.), the Sondondo valley
(Schreiber 1984; 1987; 1993), the area around
Andahuaylas (Grossman 1983; Amorin Garibay and
Alarcon Gutierrez 2001), the Torobamba SanMiguel
valley (Castilla Rivera 2001; Carrillo 1969; 1984;
Ichaccaya ms 1987; Vivanco Pomacanchari and Perez
Calderon ms.), the area of Chungui (pers. Comm.
Pompeyo Ichaccaya), the environs of Choqlococha
and Orqococha (Gonzalez Carre, and Vivanco
Pomacanchari 1998; 1999; Gonzales Carre and Rivera
Pineda 1983,96-97), the upper Pampas valley
(Quitanilla Melgar 1993; 1996), the Anqara area
(Lavalle and Julien 1983), the upper Urubamba valley
and tributary of the Rio Warpa, the Vinchos valley
(Bendezu Flores 1983; 1986; Lumbreras 1975;
Quispe Curi 1984), the Urancancha, middle Pampas
and Huancapi valleys (Carrera, Farfan, and Marino
Ms.; Torres Palomino, 1969; Vivanco Pomacanchari
2001).
Summaries of selected sites and cultural
assemblages which characterise the region are
provided here in order to establish what unites and
differentiates these areas. In addition an attempt is
made, where possible, to contrast the Chanka
cultural assemblage with that of the neighbouring
non Chanka groups of the Cusco area and to
establish the nature of the interactions between
them.
The Inca expansion appears to have started with
the conquests by Pachacuti (Rowe 1946), after he
defeated the Chankas. After successfully defending
Cusco from attack by the Chankas, Pachacuti
apparently spend some years rebuilding Cusco. He
then started a series of conquests and according to
Cieza (1985 [1533], 138-141), he went to
Andahuaylas first and subsequently attacked the
Soras (Betanzos 1996 [1557], 81-83).
The Andahuaylas area
The Andahuaylas area following chronicle
historic and ethno-historic evidence is considered
part of the area included in the Chanka
confederation. Some early Spanish sources indicate
that this area was incorporated in Chanka territory
just before their attempt at conquest of Cusco
(Cieza de León 1968 [1551]). This may be
substantiated by the presence of the Waywaka style
pottery of Late Intermediate period date here, in
addition to the Chanka related material which
appears to bear little affinity to the former (see
below).
The Late Intermediate Period settlement pattern
in the Andahuaylas region is characterised by
numerous defensible and mountain redoubt sites
(Grossman 1983, 85), such as Alalay with c. 100
circular structures. What should be noted however
is the absence of large sites, with the common size
range being from c. 3 to 4 ha on extensively terraced
sites, with circular structures being built around
patio spaces. The site of Sondor on the shores of the
Pacucha lake (Figure 1) is the most substantial in
the area, although it still is relatively small. The
Pamparaqay sector of the site includes a
rectangu-lar structure measuring 29 by 35 m with access to
the principal plaza of the site. The Sondor/
Pukaraqay sector has an oval enclosure measuring
38 by 75 m and the upper platform here has
circular structures with a diameter of c. 9 m. In the
Pukacorral area of the site three kallankas with
trapezoidal niches and doorways are present.
Muyumuyu represents the most prominent terraced
part of the site and the ritual area. The dominant
occupation of Sondor clearly dates to the Late
Horizon. The Suyturumi sector constitutes the
highest part of the site, the structures present here
are circular and the occupation dates to the Late
Intermediate Period prior to the arrival of the
Inkas. Sites appear to be interconnected by an
extensive road system (Amorin Garibay and
Alarcon Gutierrez 2001,287). Northeast of Sondor
at an altitude of 3500m as is the site of
Witunniyoq. It is on a mountaintop, the structures
are circular and the pottery present is related to
Chanka material. Luisinayoc is located northwest
of the present village of Pacucha on three
promontories, the structures are circular and the
ceramics Chanka. Achanchi is located on a
mountaintop of that name at an altitude of 4020 m
asl. It has a defensive wall and circular buildings.
The Chicha Valley and its Soras occupation
The Chicha valley was part of the home territory
of the Soras ethnic group who appear to have been
part of the Chanka confederation. This is evident from
early chronicle sources such as Betanzos. He states
that the Soras and Lucanas, 'along with other Chancas'
who were also from a neighbouring region, had a
large assembly of soldiers (Betanzos 1996 [1557],
85). However, Monzón writes that the Soras made
war with - that is, against - the Chankas (Monzón
1965 [1586], 222). Of course this does not preclude
them from having made an alliance at some other
date, and indeed may reflect a structure of changing
allegiancies which may have characterised the fluid
political structure indicated for the Chanka region.
The Chicha valley is located on what appears lo
have been the eastern margin of Soras territory.
The Soras as an etnic group are mentioned in a
large number of early historic documentary
sources. These references in particular relate to the
conflict between the Inkas and the Chancas and the
conquest of lands in the Ayacucho region by
Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui.
Betanzos states that the Soras and Lucanas were
allies (Betanzos 1996:83 [1557]). The chroniclers
differ as to the detail but all agree there was a fierce
battle between the Inka and the Soras and their
allies, and that the Inka won. Both Cieza and
Betanzos agree the Soras took refuge in a mountain
fortress where they were joined by others who
wanted to resist the Inkas. Siege was laid to the
stronghold, and after a period of years the Soras had
lo surrender. Their Curakas, were taken to Cusco in
shame, and some were eventually allowed to return
to rule their people in the name of the Inka.
Seven sites with substantial architecture - two
probable towns, three large villages, two small
villages, 8 small mound sites, and one very large,
mountaintop site - were identified in the area
surveyed in the Chicha/Soras valley as having been
occupied in the Late Intermediate Period . The
towns are Chiqna Jota, at the southern, upper end of
the valley, with some 200 oval to circular houses,
and Soras (Figure 1), where a substantial Late
Intermediate Period site may underlie the modern
town. The larger villages are Chicha Qasa,
Qasamarca, and Taccarampa; both towns and all
three large villages have later Inka remains on them
as well. Numerous small sites without architecture
were found scattered throughout cultivated portions
of the valley. Based on comparison to similar sites
in the neighbouring Sondondo valley immediately
to the west, these probably represent seasonal
occupations of farmers during times of planting and
harvesting. Neither these, nor the two small villages
have any evidence of Inka remains, although the
villages and the small mound sites may have
continued to be occupied in the Late Horizon. The
circular buildings found on sites of this period are
grouped in sets of two to four structures around
patio like spaces. The Soras sites are located on
defendable hilltop locations and frequently have
defensive perimeter walls associated.
The most common sites found on the
surrounding altiplano comprise isolated canchas or
corrals associated with camelid management. These
corrals are made of mostly circular or oval stone
walls made of fieldstone constructed with a dry
walling technique. They mostly range in size from
c. 30 m lo 100 m diameter, although larger ones
occur. They are occasionally found with a few small
structures, probably used for temporary or seasonal
occupation. The associated ceramics are crude and
represent a variant of the Soras pottery style.
These clearly form a modest type of settlement.
Corrals are widespread in the former Chanka
territory and camelid management therefore
appears to have been an important activity during
the Late Intermediate Period.
The Chanca Confederation; political myth and archaeological reality 77
The unique site of Auquimarca (Figure 1, 2) is
a probable refuge site/fortress high on a
mountaintop at an altitude of over 4000 m asl.
This site has more than 1000 structures (Figure 2)
and it is substantially larger than any other site of
this period in this drainage. No Inka architecture
has been found here, although Inka pottery was
present. Huertas (1990) has suggested that
Auquimarca constitutes the probable capital of the
Chancas. What is certain is that it constitutes one
of the largest Late Intermediate Period settlements
in the Andahuaylas region.
The Sondondo area
The Toqsa phase in the Sondondo area
corresponds roughly to the Late Intermediate
Period in the Sondondo area, a period of
population increase, but also a period of conflict.
The Jasapata phase corresponds to the Late
Horizon and the Inka occupation.
As in the Chicha valley, local architecture
comprises round houses of broken stone, with a
single doorway, and sometimes interior niches.
Houses are located singly, or 2-4 might be
grouped around small patio-like areas. This type of
architecture is indeed common for much of the
Central Highlands of Peru at this time (Schreiber
1993, 92), and does not change in form from the
Late Intermediate Period to the Late Horizon. The
main lines of evidence used to distinguish Late
Horizon occupations from those of the period
immediately preceding the Inka conquest of the
Andamarca area are changes in local ceramic style,
presence of Inka artifacts, and/or presence of Inka
architecture.
Settlement Pattern Changes in the Sondondo Valley
The archaeological evidence indicates that life
in the Sondondo Valley was quite similar to that in
the Chicha Valley in the Late Intermediate Period.
The survey work carried out located two towns,
seven villages of varying sizes, numerous small
mound sites and sherd scatters, and a hilltop
refuge site, by the name of Toqsa. Towns and
villages tend to be located at or below 3300 m asl
in the central sector of the valley, with the
exception of the hill fort which is at an altitude of
3700 m asl. The two towns, Apucara and Queca
(Figure 1), located on the west and east side of the
valley respectively, probably represent chiefly centers of
small polities, as in the Chicha valley. On the
Apucara side of the valley, three smaller settlements
were identified, and on the Queca side five smaller
settlements. Every one of these sites continued to be
occupied in the Late Horizon. The sites identified in
the survey as dating to the Late Horizon (and hence
occupied at the time of the Spanish conquest)
correspond exactly to towns and villages named in
the cédula de encomienda of 1540 (Cock Ms.).
Other Chanka sites
The Qaracha valley
A large number of Chanka sites is present in the
Qaracha valley. Exact numbers are not known as the
valley has as yet not been systematically surveyed. On
current estimates there may be as many as 100 Chanka
sites in this tributary to the Rio Pampas. Millqa,
Poqori, and Nawpallacta (with more than 300
structures) should be noted. Millqa is located in the
district of Sarhua, the province of Fajardo, department
of Ayacucho. It is on top of a conically shaped
mountain at c. 3500 asl, partially defined by a cliff
face. There are c. 30 circular structures present here,
but because the site has been much damaged by
agricultural activities there originally may have been
as many as 200.
Llawnqaya also in the Sarhua district occupies the
top and sides of a mountain at an altitude of c. 3950m
asl and counts c. 300 to 330 circular structures.
Calvario is located in the district of Carapo, the
province of Huancasancos in Ayacucho. It too is
situated on top of a conical mountaintop at an altitude
of c. 3900m asl, with the southern side being
completely inaccessible. A manmade ditch and a wall
form part of the site's defences and the c. 250 to 280
structures present are circular.
The site of Pukara (Figure 1) is located on the
bank of the Rio Lucanamarca, west of the Qaracha
river. Occupation is spread over three mountaintops
at an altitude of3860 m asl at 13
o38' 45" South by
74° 22' 50" West. There are circular (diameter c. 3 to
6 m) and rectangular structures present (including
kallankas), patios, defensive walls, water reservoirs,
burials in rock crevasses and cultural material
pertaining to the Late Intermediate Period Chanka
(including Arqalla, Tanta Orqo and Aya Orqo
pottery) and Late Horizon Inka traditions. There may
be as many as 1500 structures present here.
Associated with the site are corals, canals, roads and
springs (Vivanco Pomancanchari 2003). This site can
be included in the refuge/fortress site category.
The Huancapi river v alley
A site also with the name of Nawpallacta (Figure 1)
is located in the Huancapi river valley, a tributary to
the Rio Pampas located east of the Qaracha valley.
This site and the site of Raqaraqaypata (Figure 1)
both have Late Intermediate Period and Late Horizon
occupations. They are located on top of the mountain
chain running on a north-south orientation, east of the
Huancapi quebrada (northeast of the territory of the
Soras). The sites are terraced and the buildings are
circular with open spaces and pathways. The
structures are built of fieldstone and the walls are two
stones wide set in a mud mortar with a pebble filler,
and with internal and external faces. The sites are
large, agglutinated with patio like open spaces
between 2 or more buildings and with a network of
pathways. Among the buildings under large boulders
and in natural crevasses burials are located and small
springs can be found.
Nawpallacta is spread over a chain of 4
mountains, at an altitude of 4030 m asl at 13° 47'
10" South by 74° 01' 45" West. The site is
associated with corrals meant for camelid
management. The summit on the southern margin
of the site has the densest occupation. The
Figure 2: Examples of circular structures at AuquimarcaThe Chanca Confederation: political myth and archaeological reality 79
topography is substantially modified, along the
mountain encline are 9 superimposed terraces and
there is a defensive wall along the southern margin.
There are c. 700 circular structures built around
patios which measure from 3 to 6 m in diameter
with doorways of around 0.9m in width. The surface
material comprises predominantly ceramics of the
Arqalla type, there are polished stone tools, batanes
and manos, axes, points, rasps and blades.
The site of Raqaraqaypata is located east of the
current settlement of Huancapi. It is spread over six
natural promontories and located at an altitude of
3950m asl at 13° 45' 10" South by 74° 02' 10" West.
The site is terraced, including agricultural terracing.
Some 500 circular and oval structures are present
arranged in groups around patios and interlaced by
pathways. The central area of the site is occupied by
a large plaza, possibly serving for public ceremonies.
A platform patio is situated on the western side of the
site which can be observed from much of the
surrounding area. The remains of small, currently dry
springs can be found in close proximity. Both
Raqaraqaypata and Nawpallacta were situated with a
concept of strategic defence in mind (Vivanco
Pomacanchari 2002)
Tinkaorqo is on a conically shaped mountain on
the east bank of the Huancapi river and there are
circa 25 circular structures, which are in a bad state
of preservation. Other sites dating to the Late
Intermediate Period in this area also occupying the
summits of mountains are Wayruro, Orqowasi,
Ispaqruni, Wamanillo, and Matiorqo.
The Torobamba valley
The Torobamba valley is the only tributary to
the east of the Rio Pampas of any size. It is also a
valley with access to the tropical rainforest on the
eastern slopes of the Andes. Although hardly
studied it clearly is of importance with respect to
the Chanka contacts and exchanges with cultures
from that side of the Andes.
Kallapayuq Orqo (Figure 1) is located at 13° 01'
34" South by 73° 45' 18" West at an altitude of
3935 asl. The mountain top is delimited by a
defensive wall. There are two types of circular
buil-ding, one type constructed on earthen platforms, the
second semisubteranean, cut into the mountain side
with the rear of the house being constructed in the
cut, and the front being exposed. The site measures
approximately 10 ha and there are c. 100 structures.
Waraqo Orqo is located in the district of
Sacharaqay at an altitude of 3852 m asl, it
measures approximately 2 ha. It is a site with a
defensive perimeter wall and with circular
structures. The walls are made of fieldstone set in
mud mortar. Outside the fortified area, on the
southern side of the site, terracing and structural
remains continue. There are rectangular structures
with rounded comers present in this sector.
Qarpa Orqo is located on the summit of the
Qarpa or Qarpamachay mountain, at an altitute of
4220 m asi. Access to the top is possible from both
the east and west sides. The site is terraced and
there are circular structures present built of local
fieldstone set in mud mortar, which vary in
diameter from 2.5 to 5m.
The site of Pakos is situated on the Pakos
mountain at an altitude of 3886 m asl, north of the
Kallapayoq Orqo site. The perimeter wall is c. 1.5 m
high and 0.9 m wide. The site is terraced and there
are circular structures built on the surface as well as
constructed in spaces cut into the mountainside.
The remains of an ancient road are located in
the Anco district, and it can be followed for a
length of some 4 km. It leads from the Sachapampa
river into the rainforest. There are bridges across
streams constructed of stone slabs as well as
drainage cuts and parapets built along parts which
have steep drops. Its width varies from 1.2 m to 2.5
m. There are sections which have steps constructed
out of stone, as well as parts where steps are cut
into the bedrock. This road has been dated to the
Late Intermediate Period as the associated sites
appear to be Chanka.
These sites have only been superficially
investigated but their location and known Chanka
affiliation do suggest that the Chankas had an
interest in rainforest resources.
Other examples
The site of Pilluchu close to Vilcashuaman is a
pukara on a mountaintop with access to the site
being inhibited by cliff faces. The top of the
mountain is largely flat and there are circular
structures. On the north side of the site is a
rectan-gular kalanka type structure with two doors in its
south wall. There are also a number of circular
chullpas with stone roofs. Kunkachayoc is in the
district of Paras, in the province of Cangallo, near
Wichinga, it is at an altitude of c. 4100m asi, with
c. 700 to 800 circular structures. Frequently these
structures use natural rock formations as an integral
part to their walls. It occupies two natural
promontories and is very difficult to reach because
of the broken terrain and pronounced topography.
There appear to have been three or four access
routes into the site and principal one is fortified.
The site of Condoray (Figure 1,4) is located on
a mountaintop at4245m asi at 13° 35' 32.9" S and
74° 17' 47.2" W, in the district of Canchacancha, in
the province of Cangallo, department of Ayacucho.
It overlooks the Rio Pampas near its confluence
with the Rio Qaracha. Access to the summit is
inhibited by a sequence of three fieldstone walls.
Some circular structures are present outside its first
perimeter wall, between the 1 st and 2nd walls and
beyond the 3rd wall. They appear to be absent
between the 2nd and 3rd walls. There are circa 100
circular structures which are around 5.4 m in
diameter with walls measuring between 55 and 60
cm in thickness (Figure 3). On the southwestern
margin of the site, from where the view is best
overlooking the juncture of the Qaracha with the
Rio Pampas a rectangular Inka building is present
of medium quality cut stone ashlar set in red
mortar. It measures c 10.05 m by 7.6 m and its
walls are c. 85 cm thick.
The boundaries of the Chanca phenomenon
The distribution of the various architectural elements
and cultural assemblages characteristic of the
Chanka 'confederation' can be defined. The Chanka
settlement system comprises sites located on hills
and mountaintops defensible in nature. There are
village size sites with c. 30 to 100 circular
structures, ranging in diameter from c. 3 to 6 m.
which are grouped together around small patio like
spaces, as well as smaller sites comprising single
isolated structures or small groups of buildings or
sites lacking visible surface structures. In addition
there are one, or sometimes more than one, large
refuge sites associated with each drainage. These
too are located on mountaintops but at significantly
higher altitudes and with much larger numbers of
structures than the village sites, ranging from 300 to
1500, typically distributed in a very similar
configuration to that which can be observed in the
village sites. The Chanka site hierarchy therefore
comprises three levels, firstly isolated structures
and small hamlet like sites, secondly village sites
and thirdly refuge sites. Neither temple nor elite
buildings appear to form part of the Chanka
architectural model.
The Chanca territory appears precisely
definable, with to the south the Rio Apurimac, to
the north the Rio Mantaro to he west the western
watershed of the Andes and to the east the Rio
Apurimac (Lumbreras 1975, 218). On the eastern
bank of the Apurimac in the tropical rainforest
foothills the Chanka had a presence as indicated by
sites such as Kallapayoc Orqo.
The material culture
For the Chanca material the Chicha, Tanta Orqo
The Chanca Confederation; political myth and archaeological reality 81
and Qachisqo styles are of importance for the
period following the Middle Horizon (Valdez and
Vivanco 1994: 150). The Soras, Arqalla, Aya
Orqo, Pataraqay, Qachisqo and Pillucho styles are
relevant for the period preceding the Late Horizon
(Gonzales Carre and Rivera Pineda 1983, 92-93;
Lumbreras 1975). The names derive from the areas
of origin of these ceramic traditions.
The pottery associated with the Chanka
complexes is consistently rough and badly
executed. The body tends to be badly fired and is
often grey. The pieces are crudely modelled and
finished. Shapes include bowls, cups, jars with oval
bodies, rounded bases, and necks which often have
modelled faces. The latter have enlarged and
protruding eyes and mouths. Decoration, where
present, comprises incisions or a badly applied red
or brown wash, but the great majority of the
mate-rial is undecorated. Lithics include mortars, clubs,
doughnut shaped mace heads (or sod breakers),
obsidian arrowheads (pressure flaked and
trian-gular in shape) as well as a variety of flat
rectangu-lar shaped tools which may be agricultural
equipment (Gonzalez Carre, Escot,
Pozzi-Escot, and Vivanco, 1987; Gonzales Carre and
Ri-vera Pineda 1983,93).
The Andahuaylas region has been commonly
identified as part of Chanca territory (Gonzales
Carre 1992; Lumbreras 1975; Meddens &
Schreiber Ms.). The ceramic style associated with
some of the Late Intermediate Period sites for the
Andahuaylas region has been defined as Waywaka
by Grossman (Grossman 1983, 74). The Waywaka
style is characterised by large 'proto aryballoid' jars
with straight necks and overturned lips. The bases
tend to the rounded. The surface has a white to pale
pink slip, and where present decoration consists of
parallel bands of dark wavy lines (pers comm. Joel
Grossman). Unfortunately the assemblages for this
period have been small and largely derived from
surface collection. The aryballoid neck and rim
shape has clear potential links with the Killke and
Inca material. The painted decoration appears to
have little in common with the other Chanka
styles. Incurving bowls with oval designs
identical to those found in late Chicha style
examples in the Chicha/Soras valley are also
known from the Andahuaylas area. Such vessels
have been recovered from Ap2-19 in the
Chumbao valley, Andahuaylas (pers. comm. Joel
Grossman). Other Late Intermediate Period sites
in the Andahuaylas area manifest ceramic styles
in the Chanka tradition.
The significance of the Chicha style
The Chicha style is of importance for a number
of reasons. Firstly it clearly originates in the
Middle Horizon at a time that the Huari domination
of the Highlands is still undisputed. Secondly it is
the dominant ceramic element in the Chicha Soras
Valley immediately after the collapse of Huari
cen-tral authority in this area. Other than the apparent
change in central authority as evidenced by the
changes in ceramic style, the abandonment of some
sites and the emergence of a few new ones, there
appears to be relatively little cultural disruption in
this area. The Soras style in the Chicha valley has
clear antecedents in the Chicha style. The Soras
and other Chanca styles (i.e. the Tanta Orqo,
Qachisqo, Arqalle and Aya Orqo styles) are
associated with major demographic changes in the
Rio Pampas region.
Distribution of the Chicha Style
The Chicha style is known from the Chicha /
Soras valley, from the Sondondo area to the west,
this is the Toqsa phase material described by
Schreiber (1982:4) and from the area of
Chalhuanca to the south (Pers. Comm Hector
Espinosa Martinez), from the area of Andahuaylas
(J. Grossman pers. Comm.). Isolated examples are
known from the Ayacucho valley, in association
with Huamanga style material (Pers. Comm. Lucho
Lumbreras).
Gonzalez Carre et al (1987) subscribe only
marginal differences to the various Chanka styles
possibly only due to variations in local clay sources
and fillers.
It should be noted that some of the Chicha style
designs resemble some of the Killke designs from
the Cusco region, such as ovals with diagonal
stripes, ovals with bars (Rowe 1944, Fig 18,7),
grid/lattice designs, the box and bar design and the
black and modelled faces on face neck jars. The oval
with bar design consists of a white pigment on a red
slip on the interior of an open bowl and was termed
Pacalla-moco in the Cusco area by Rowe (Rowe
1944,17-18). Similarities can also be seen with
Rowe's Carmenca red on white material (Rowe
1944, fig 16,3-8), recovered from contexts at
Chanapata which may have been disturbed in the
post-conquest period (Rowe 1944, 18-19). Some of
the oval design types on Killke material have been
illustrated by Bauer (Bauer 1992, Fig.
4.1-4.2,4.9,4.12).
Work at Cruzpata (by Meddens), east of the
Lucre basin produced Killke related materials
which included romboid and oval designs. These
where predominantly on the bodies of necked jars.
The execution of these design elements in
particular their orientation, and other associated
design motives indicate a distinct concept to that
used in the Chicha style, and suggests an
independent development of the base design in
both styles, or an indirect transference of the oval
motives in one direction or the other.
The Late Intermediate Period settlement
patterns for the Cusco region.
The Late Intermediate Period settlement
patterns for the Cusco region remain ill defined. To
the east the Apurimac river appears to form the
limit of the Chanka related assemblages. The east
bank of the Apurimac, where it has been looked at
in any detail, such as in the Limatambo area
(Heffernan 1996) the Late Intermediate Period sites
are characterised by Killke related ceramic
materials (Heffernan 1996, 34).
The Late Intermediate Period sites in the
Limatambo area, on the Cusco side of the
Apurimac, include both sites in defensive positions
and ones in easily accessible locations. Site size
varies from small to moderate (up to c. 45). There
are oval to circular structures, many of which
appear to have had an adobe build superstructure,
and they range in diameter from 2.7 to 9.88m.
Pottery assemblages, as stated above are dominated
by Killke related materials (Heffernan 1997).
For the Urubamba area sites with circular to
oval structures located both in defensive and more
open positions appear to be the norm. Isolated
small square to rectangular buildings occur near the
centre of many of these sites and they are
associated with Killke pottery (Kendall 1996, 125).
For the Paucaritambo, Yaurisque, Paruro and
Colcha region 85 Late Intermediate Period Killke
sites, have been identified. These are predominantly
small (< 1 ha) to moderate in size (1 to 3.5 ha),
unfortified and widely distributed (Bauer
1992,99,103-105). Evidence of social stratification
is limited.
In the Lucre Basin the substantial site of
Choquepukio (Figure 1) has a large Late Intermediate
Period occupation. Its location is on the valley floor
and there are no defensive installations. The large hall
or kallanka style buildings which are present here were
constructed and maintained over a period from c. 870
to 1410 AD. The dating being based on C14 samples
of the organic component of the mortar bonding of the
walls. These buildings clearly reflect the existence of
elite architecture and a social hierarchy in the Lucre
basin during the Late Intermediate Period (McEwan,
Chatfield and Gibaja 2002, 294). The ceramic
complexes associated with this site comprise Killke
and Lucre related styles.
The Killke ceramic style
Killke pottery has a medium coarse fabric with
moderate non-plastic inclusions mostly Feldspar with
quartz, andesite, amphibole, arkose an Syenite also
present. The fabric is of medium hardness and tends
to be buff to salmon pink in colour. The surface is
often slip covered and has a burnished finish. Vessel
forms include bowls, open forms which have straight
and curved sided as well as incurving forms, and
straight sided plates. Jars occur, including single
handled forms, ones with tapering necks and ones
with conical necks. Face neck forms are present and
tumblers or keros are also found. Decoration tends to
be geometric and colours used are black to dark
brown, red and more occasional white, the designs
are often somewhat carelessly executed. (Bauer
1997, 75-48; Lunt 1987).
Other styles attributed to the Late Intermediate
Period have been termed Lucre and Colcha and can
be subsumed in a Killke related category. In
comparison to the Chanka ceramic tradition the
Killke and Killke related materials represent high
quality products.
Religion
The believes of the Chancas
The pacarina of the Chancas was a lake called
Choqlococha (Figure 4) located in the province of
Castrovirreyna in the department of Huancavelica.
Adjoining Choqlococha is a lake called Orqococha
and these are surrounded by other lakes, mountains
and caves which all continue to have religious
meaning to this day. This area includes large
numbers of circular structures with 'Chanka' type
artefact complexes and the caves have
consi-derable quantities of human remains pertaining lo
The Chanca Confederation; political myth and archaeological reality 83
the same cultural grouping (Gonzalez Carre, and
Vivanco Pomacanchari 1998; 1999; Gonzales
Carre and Rivera Pineda 1983, 96-97). The strong
link with funerary customs is likely to be related to
the Choqlococha's role as the Chanka pacarina with
the dead returning to the world of the ancestors and
their place of origin.
In addition to the Pacarina there are sacred
locations such as Apus in every region of the
Chanka 'confederation', such as Qarawarasu for
Chicha/Soras and Sondondo; Kumun Ñawi for the
Qaracha valley; Pumapaqawanan for the lower
Pampas valley; Llullani and Pallqa Orqo for the
middle Pampas, etc. In the whole of the Rio
Pam-pas region there is also a tradition of multiple
burials, often in crevasses and caves which on
occasion include more than 100 individuals. There
are many examples of this funerary tradition
throughout the territory of the 'Chanka
Confederation'. These include Ayamachay and
Laqa Qichqa in the Sarhua district of Ayacucho.
The former is a natural cave at an altitude of3480m
asi adapted by use of rustic architectural walling for
use as a tomb for multiple (between 15 and 20)
individuals. Laqa Qichqais at an altitude of c.
3490m asi, and has a simply constructed tomb in a
crevasse. It has a small entrance measuring 55 by
35 cm, is much disturbed and counted between 10
and 12 burials. The Chicha and Sondondo valleys
both have many crevasse type tombs sometimes
associated with simple structural modifications.
Anco Vilca and Usco Vilca were the 'heroes' who
founded the Hurin and Hanan Chancas
respectively, and the latter had a temple in
Andahuaylas. The location or configuration of
which is not known (Gonzales Carre and Rivera
Pineda 1983, 99-100). Both were represented by
dressed up stones (Albernoz in: Duvoils 1967, 28).
Garcilaso states that the Chancas believed they
descended from the lion (puma) which they saw as
a deity, and which was their symbol (Garcilaso 4th
book XV; Gonzalez 1979; 1982; 1992; Gonzalez et
al 1987; 1988; Lumbreras 1959). To date there are
some Andean communities who use pumas in
divination rituals, for instance in the case of
Sarhua.
The believes of the Soras
The Soras were one of the groups which may at
times have been allied to the Chancas. Their
idealogy serves to illustrate the fact that the structure
of the believe systems in the Huancavelica,
Ayacucho Apurimac area during the Late
Intermediate Period was basically very similar.
The Soras worshipped a mountain called
Carahuaraso, (Jimenez de la Espada, 1881: Vol. 1,172).
Figure 4: Choqlococha, the Pacarina of theCarahuaraso constituted a major mountain deity or
wamani in this part of the Andes (Jimenez de la
Espada, 1881: Vol. 1,172; Millones, 1971:0/10,2/
52-3, passim; Guarnan Poma, 1980:248), although
Auqui Uscuntay, a rock on top of a mountain by
that name, has also been mentioned as being their
principal huaca (Duvoils, 1967:28). The Soras
were said (like the Chankas) to have descended
from a lake called Choqlococha (Figure 4).
Discussion
The conflict between the Chankas and Inkas as
described in the chronicle sources indicates several
factors of importance to the Inkas in their believes
regarding the events which were said to have
occurred. They considered the Chankas to have
been the aggressors. Also the size of the operation
described in the chronicle sources and the assertion
that Inka Yupanqui did not want to be come a
subject of Uscovilca suggests that the Chanka
'invasion' was perceived of as a war of conquest
rather than a casual raid.
Zuidema is of the opinion that aspects of the
Chanka wars as told in the chronicles could have
taken place in reality, but that some occurences are
clearly mythical in character. He states that we can
legitimately ask ourselves whether the Inkas had to
defend Cusco against the Chankas, whether the
Inkas were involved in an uprising against the
Chankas or indeed if the stories are rooted in their
capture of Cusco from its legitimate inhabitants. He
concludes that the myth derives from earlier events
pertaining to the Middle Horizon period and the
Hoary and Tiahuanaco cultures and that the Inka
empire had its foundation in the Hoary culture and
administrative structure (Zuidema 1989 [1967],
205-218). In his discussion he places the Chanka
cultural assemblage as being potentially
contemporary with Huari and rejects its existence
as presenting a problem with respect to an
interpretation of the Inka administrative structure
being based in earlier Huari principles and events
(Zuidema 1989 [1967], 215). At the time
Sideman’s paper was produced much less was
know about the distribution and age of the
Chanka ceramic styles, architecture and culture
and clearly in the light of current archaeological
knowledge the Chanka history and myths can be
placed in an archaeologically recognisable
timeframe dating to the Late Intermediate
Period. This does not preclude the possibility, or
even probability that at least some of the
administrative structures used by the Inkas have
their roots in the Middle Horizon.
The events at the end of Wari domination in the
Central Highlands appear to have had a very
variable range of effects. Apparent abandonment
occurs of extensive valley systems, such as the
Ayacucho valley (Lumbreras; MacNeish) and the
Qaracha valley (Valdez. and Vivanco 1994: 155) in
the department of Ayacucho. The Carahuazo valley
witnesses a major shift in occupation pattern
(Schreiber 1984: 4). Whereas in the Chicha / Soras
valley there is a change in dominant ceramic style
which is associated with some demographic change
but the major occupation sites continue lo be
occupied (Meddens 1985, 2001; Meddens and
Cook 2000). Other areas such as the Cusco valley
appear to see abandonment of major state
installations (such as Pikillacta) and a shift to
another nearby centre (Choquepuquio) whereas
little other demographic change appears to take
place. The events in the Cusco area herald the
development of integrated state levels of organisation
in apparent contrast to the developments in the
Chanka region.
The region occupied by the Chankas included
the majority of the Rio Pampas drainage and the
Huanta region comprising a part of Huancavelica,
much of Ayacucho and Andahuaylas (Gonzales
Carre and Rivera Pineda 1983, 89). The Chanka
confederation was made up of a series of ethnic groups
incorporating the Ancoqillos, the Uramarcas, the
Willcas, Utunsullas and others (Gonzales Carre and
Rivera Pineda 1983, 91) such as the Soras may
have had a more occasional alliance. Their culture
presents us with a clear break with the preceding
Middle Horizon Wari cultural complex (Gonzales
Carre and Rivera Pineda 1983, 91-92, Meddens 1985;
2001; Meddens and Cook 2000).
The lower sections of valleys are abandoned
during this period of change and sectors never
before inhabited, such as the mountaintops now
become occupied. The same agricultural lands as
before however continued in use, and over time an
increase in cultivated and terraced land appears to
take place. The possibility of increased erosion
during the Late Intermediate Period in the region of
Andahuaylas (possibly as a result of increased
rainfall and deforestation) is hinted at by evidence
for extensive colluviation datable to the Late
Intermediate Period at the site of Waywaka and
possibly at other sites in the area at this time
The Chanca Confederation; political myth and archaeological reality 85
(Grossman 1983, 62). This evidence for
environmental change has been supported by
recent work in the Chicha valley where dated
pollen and sedimentary sequences from an ancient
mire confirmed a noticeable increase in
percipitation during the Late Intermediate Period
for this area (Branch, Kemp, Lowe, Meddens and
Kendall 2003).
The majority of the defensive aspect of the
Chanka sites is as a result of their location,
frequently combined with defensive walls. This
pattern is repeated throughout the three
departments of Huancavelica, Ayacucho and
Apurimac.
Their sites are located on defendable hill/
mountain tops or slopes and they appear to lack
communal plazas and cult or elite structures.
Although the sites of Naupallacta and
Raqaraqaypata in the Huancapi valley do have
some flat open spaces which may represent rare
evidence for public spaces. Each valley appears to
have one or more large refuge sites. The Chanka
sites do not fit the common site pattern for cultural
complexes associated with unified state levels of
organisation (Gonzales Carre and Rivera Pineda
1983,92).
The majority of the structures present on
Chanka sites are circular and range in diameter
between 2.5 and 6 m although some larger ones, up
to c. 10 m occur (Gonzales Carre and Rivera
Pineda 1983,92). The latter appear to be associated
with a later Late Horizon occupation.
The material culture of the Chanka groups is
similar across the whole of the 'Chanka'
confederated and allied territory. Minor regional
variations are however clearly apparent (Gonzales
Carre and Rivera Pineda 1983,94). These are likely
to reflect the identifiable ethnic groups which
together made up the Chanka confederation.
The territory occupied by the Chanka
confederation or by groups who allied themselves
with this confederation was very extensive indeed,
covering an estimated 64,000 km
2(Gonzales Carre
and Rivera Pineda 1983; Gonzalez Carre,
Pozzi-Escot, and Vivanco, 1988). The lack of an
identifiable political, religious or economic elite, or
indeed any clear aspect of social differentiation
within the Chanka sites is surprising. It is
substantiated by the absence of craft specialisation
as is manifest in the material culture from the
Chanka sites and those of allied ethnic groups. It
should be noted that Damián de la Bandera (1965
[1557], 176-177) states that there were three
positions of importance among the Chanka's, that
of potter, of silver smith and metal worker and that
of carpenter. The product of the latter two has not
been seen in sufficient quantity and detail to come
to any conclusion about the quality and
standardisation of its manufacture. In contrast to
the statement of de la Bandera the potters output
clearly indicates low quality and a distinct lack of
specialisation however. The lack of social
differentiation and hierarchy is reminiscent of the
social structure evident in complex cultures in
much earlier phases of Andean prehistory.
In contrast the Late Intermediate Period
cultures of the Cusco area have their settlement
sites largely in mid valley locations (Bauer 1992;
Dwyer 1971). The quality of their material culture,
particularly as demonstrated in their ceramic
assemblages (Killke, Lucre A/B, Paccalla-Moco,
Carmenca White on Red) is high.
Unfortunately little has been published about
the Late Intermediate Period settlement patterns in
the Cusco area and conclusions about the presence
or absence of an identifiable elite and religious
architectural complexes is therefore still in a
preliminary stage. Inka sites in part obscure their
Late Intermediate Period predecessors and the
dating of the Late Intermediate Period and Late
Horizon transition is not secure enough. The niched
halls at the site of Choquepukio in the Lucre area
have been dated to between AD 860-1410 based on
C14 assays from organic matter extracted from the
mortar of their walls. These structures were
'monumental' in scale and appear to demonstrate
the existence of a political elite and hierarchical
state structure at this site (McEwan, Chatfield and
Gibaja 2002, 294). The existence of a possible
Killke predecessor below Coricancha, the Temple
of the Sun in Cusco, as indicated by the presence of
earlier structural remains predating the Inca temple,
as well as the presence of considerable quantities of
Killke pottery (Bejar Navarro 1990, 61 -80;
Gonzales Corrales 1984, 202-203), likewise is
suggestive of a developed hierarchical political
structure functioning in the Cusco area prior to the
establishment of the Inca state proper. The work of
Ann Kendall in the Cusichaca, Urubamba, and
Cusco area has confirmed the existence of isolated
small square to rectangular buildings near the
cen-tre of sites comprising otherwise circular and oval
structures associated with Killke pottery (Kendall
1996, 125). The site of Pumamarca in the
Patacancha valley as an example includes
rectangular elite architectural forms which predate
the classic Imperial Inca architecture and are
associated with Late Intermediate Period Killke
type ceramics (Kendall 1996,126-127). These
angular structures present the possibility of some
form of special administrative religious or elite
building type. Kendall views these architectural
forms as emanating from the Cusco / Lucre
heartland (Kendall 1996, 125).
The documentary and archaeological sources
appear to concur that the process which established
the Chancas in the present departments of
Huancavelica, Ayacucho and Apurimac included a
varied series of ethnic groups settled in defined
areas with distinct cultural characteristics.
Certainly the Soras, Rucanas, Anqareas and others
had their own cultural conventions which included
a tradition to unite at times of difficulty. It is clear
that each of the individual valleys within this
region had its inaccessible Pukara where the
population could retreat to in times of need. It was
this tradition that resulted in the Chanka
confederation and was the one encountered by the
Incas and later the Spaniards during the first
decades of the colonial period.
Conclusions
The data suggest lo us that at the time of Inka
conquest, the Chanka were organized as a series of
competing chiefdoms, or cacicazgos. The
explanation that the political foundation of the
Chanka confederation was based on an ad hoc
military alliance where war leaders were
recognised, accepted and followed in times of need
(Gonzales Carre and Rivera Pineda 1983, 103) is a
possibility. Although what is perhaps less clear is
how such a structure could function over such a
substantial area largely without an obvious military
infrastructure, lo allow for mutual support and
combined military aggression against outside
groups. The overwhelming impression of the
Chanka domain is one of an inward looking
culturally similar series of ethnic groups heavily
focussed on defence. Not only does the defensive
nature of the majority of 'Chanka' sites argue in
favour of this interpretation, the presence of large
refuge sites such as Auquimarca in the Chicha
valley, Toqsa in the Sondondo valley, Nawpallacta
and Raqaraqaypata in the Huancapi valley, and
Pukara in the Qaracha valley reinforce this view, as
does indeed the withdrawal of the Soras lo a
mountain redoubt somewhere in the northem
portion of their territory, near the Rio Pampas, after
their defeat by Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui (Cieza
1968). We should therefore see the war leader
structure as one principally defensive in nature. The
aggressive stance ascribed to the Chankas in Inca
legend and by scholars is therefore likely to reflect
either an Inca political vision to justify their
northward expansion, or alternatively the Incas
were starting to form such a threat to their western
neighbours that the Chankas had no alternative but
to attempt and eliminate the peril. There is indeed
one bit of chronicle information which indicates
that Pachacuti was involved in attacks on the
Chankas prior to their war against the Inkas
(Cabello Valboa 1951 [1586], 298-299; Julien
2000, 249). Either way this clearly throws a very
different light on who were the aggressors in the
'Chanka' war.
The Incas or their predecessors in the Cusco
area, during the Late Intermediate Period had a
society which had a defined hierarchical structure,
and a ruling elite. It constitutes a demonstrably
confident cultural group, and a society which
presents itself as developing into a unified state.
From this perspective it is unlikely that the
aggression described in Inca legend and attributed
to the Chanka actually took place in the manner
chronicled by the majority of sources. The
available archaeological evidence is indicative of
an expansionist Inca state entering into fragmented
Chanca territory ripe for conquest.
Acknowledgements: The authors are grateful to
Paul Steele for commenting on an earlier version of
this paper and lo Gary Urton and Marius
Ziólkowski for discussing aspects of the paper after
its presentation at the Americanist Congress in
Santiago.
The Chanca Confederation; political myth and archaeological reality 87
CONFEDERACIÓN CHANCA: MITO POLÍTICO Y REALIDAD ARQUEOLÓGICA*
La visión inca de los chankas
Se dice que el reinado del inca Viracocha fue testigo de la invasión de los chankas al territorio inca. Betanzos afirma que el soberano de la nación chanka tenía seis capitanes bajo su comando llamados Malma. Rapa, Yanavilca, Tequellovilca, Guamanguaraca y Tomayguaraca. Este soberano chanka escuchó que el Inca Viracocha re-clamaba ser el soberano de toda la tierra y le pareció una buena idea averiguar cuál era el poder de Viracocha. Estuvo de acuerdo en que los capitanes debieran ir a Condesuyu (Malma y Rapa) y a Andesuyu (Yanavilca y Tequellovilca), y los dos capitanes restantes debían ir directamente al Cuzco. Y de esta manera, él sería el soberano de toda la tierra y haría de Viracocha su súbdito (Betanzos 1987 [1551], 21-24).
Se dice que los chankas comandados por sus líderes Hastu Huaraca y Tomay Huaraca, y con su soberano «Uscovilca», cruzaron el Apurimac y demandaron el so-metimiento del soberano inca. El Inca Viracocha, junto con su hijo y su sucesor preferido. Urco, se retiraron al área de Calca. Uno de los otros hijos de Viracocha, el Inka Yupanqui, quien había irritado a su padre en muchas ocasiones anteriores afirmó que él no deseaba ser súbdito de Uscovilca (Betanzos 1987 [1551], 27-28), así que per-maneció en Cuzco y organizó su defensa. Se dice que se las arregló para unir algunos de los aliados de los incas, como los aymaraes y los cotapampas contra el avance de los chankas. El Inka Yupanqui apeló al Apu Viracocha Pacha Yachachic, de quien tuvo una visión (Betanzos 1987 [1551], 32), y logró inspirar a su anfitrión su postura contra los chankas. Siguió una lucha salvaje, el Inca yupanqui comandó sus fuerzas e hizo retroceder a los chankas. Se dice que las mismas piedras (pururauca) se metamorfosearon en guerreros y acudieron en ayuda de los incas. En esta batalla cayó el mismo Uscovilca (Betanzos 1987 [1551], 33). Los chankas fueron derrotados y perseguidos hasta su base en Ichupampa. Eventualmente, Pachacuti Inka Yupanqui, como era conocido, subyugó a los chankas en Ichupampa. Las calaveras de sus líderes fueron transformadas en recipientes para beber y su piel se usó para tambores. Después de esta victoria y de una serie de otras aventuras, Pachacuti reorganizó el estado inca, tomó la borla y comenzó la expansión de lo que sería el imperio inca.
Cieza de León nos cuenta que Viracocha había dado la «Cenefa Real» a Urco, quien bebía y era un mujeriego, que dejó los asuntos de estado en manos del Inka Yupanqui (Pachacuti). Fue entonces que los chankas, después de derrotar a los quechuas, cruzaron el río Apurimac bajo las órdenes de Hastu Huaraca y Omoguaraca y se dirigieron al Cuzco. Pachacuti organizó la defensa mientras que los chankas levantaban el campamento en el cerro Carmenca que dominaba la
ciudad. Al fallar las negociaciones los chankas atacaron, la batalla que siguió costó muchas vidas, dejando victoriosos a los incas, y Hastu Huaraca y unos 500 sobrevivientes se replegaron cruzando el Apurimac. Pachacuti fue declarado rey y los restos de los soldados chankas caídos fueron despellejados y rellenados para ser erigidos en el campo de batalla, en donde los españoles que vinieron con Almagro al Cuzco todavía los vieron. Pachacuti negoció una paz con Hastu Huaraca. Después de estos eventos Pachacuti conquistó Andahuaylas, la tierra de Soras y de Vilcas (Cieza de León 1968 [1551], 123 - 132).
Betanzos y Cieza fueron los primeros cronistas en describir estos eventos. Más tarde, otros como Sarmiento de Gamboa (1999 [1572], 86-97; también Julien 2000). Cabello Valboa (1951 [1586], 293-304) y Garcilaso de la Vega (1721 [1609], 151-155) describen variaciones sobre este tema. Todas las versiones tienen algo de elementos míticos o fantásticos. Con algunos cronistas, Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, la historia tiene un sesgo mítico en aumento (1993 [1613], 217-221). El relato de Guaman Poma, es aún más fantástico o mágico, ocurre en el tiempo de Manco Capac (Guaman Poma de Avala 1980 [1615] 16). En este relato se dice que Anca Uallo Chanka, salió del lago Choqlococha con 150.000 seguidores, sin mujeres, niños o viejos. Anca Uallo quería ser Inka, pero Manco Capac lo mató. Después de la muerte de su soberano los chankas pasaron a través de las montañas al Mar del Norte y a las tierras frías detrás de las montañas, en donde permanecen en la actualidad. Claramente una cosa cierta es que esta guerra chanka constituyó un momento seminal en la «historia» inca (Guillen Guillen y López Mendoza 1980, 41).
La terminología en lo que se refiere a la historia, mito y leyenda inca ha sido discutida por una cantidad de dife-rentes autores (Steele 2002, 32). La naturaleza cíclica de la manera en que los eventos están estructurados en las historias incas causa la forma en que los incidentes son retratados en la narrativa inca. Existen dificultades obvias en separar los «hechos históricos» de los aspectos de for-ma ritual y mitología en las historias incas. Urton usa el término «mito-historia» para la historia inca (Urton 1990, 5-7). En una de sus interpretaciones de las guerras chanka Zuidema las ve como derivando potencialmente de even-tos históricos (Zuidema 1989 a, 205-218), aunque en una discusión posterior las determina como reflejando un conflicto entre los aspectos religiosos y seculares de la sociedad inca (Zuidema 1989 b [1983], 332-341). En su opinión, muchos de los informes dinásticos incas carecen de historicidad pero son útiles en términos de reflejar la estructura social de la sociedad inca. Indudablemente los incas tenían una conciencia histórica y registraron sus opiniones acerca de eventos del pasado en quipu, en poe-sía y en tabletas de madera pintada (Julien 2000, 11-16).
* Nota del editor: esta versión en español del artículo redactado en inglés y cuyo texto original precede a este, la debemos a la traducción de la señora María Elena Soler, miembro de la Carrera del Personal de Apoyo del CONICET, con lugar de trabajo en el IANIGLA-CRICYT, a quien agradecemos especialmente su contribución.
