Introduction
The current national catchphrase used to promote travel and tourism in the Philippines - ‘It’s more fun in the Philippines!’ - is often said with irony by Filipinos after misfortune has occurred. Ironic, because, as highlighted in Chapter Three, citizens of the Philippines face on a daily basis corruption which is rooted in all levels of government and industries, long-term civil conflict, and widespread poverty, inequality and unemployment (Collas-Monsod et al., 2004; UNDP, 2013; Storey, 1996; Schirmer and Shalom, 1987; CATW, 2002; UNODC, 2000). On top of economic and social issues the islands are susceptible to natural disasters which can annihilate entire cities at once - of which the recent Super Typhoon Haiyan is a poignant example (Santos, 2014; Jolly, 2005). Yet, despite the numerous obstructions to security and prosperity, or perhaps because of them, most Filipinos are resilient (Seeberg, 2012). This resilience enables Filipinos to survive repeated disruptions to their livelihoods and endure prolonged difficulties for the survival of themselves and others (Parrenas, 2010; Gibson, 2012). Over the course of my fieldwork I observed how many Filipinos continue to smile and laugh in the face of extreme adversity. However, below the outwardly easy-going attitude towards poverty and disaster there seemed to be an underlying sentiment that the Philippines actually is a problematic place to be, and that its people would rather be somewhere else.
As detailed in Chapter Four, many Filipinos I spoke to both in Samar and Manila felt disenchanted by their government and disappointed with the Philippines in general. They wished they had been born into a country with more opportunities which does not abandon its poor, thus they were doing everything within their capabilities to reach one of those countries. Many are desperate to escape poverty and disadvantage and, as was illustrated in Chapter Three, see migration as the panacea to all of their struggles (Deshingkar and Grimm, 2004; Van Impe, 2002;
Lorenzo et al., 2007). While migration is common in many nations, literature in Chapter Three revealed that the extent to which Filipinos leave their country is particularly remarkable (OHCHR, 2012; Siar, 2011; CFO, 2010; Munck, 2008). I was told by a resident in the squatter settlement in Manila that “Filipinos are unique because, unlike other nationalities, they can adapt to any culture, adopt any new cuisine and learn any language when they live abroad”. However, the fact that many are prepared to trade in their own culture, language and cuisine for another could be a symptom of a national ‘inferiority complex’ (Mulder, 1990). The Philippines’ long colonial history ingrained a feeling of subordination into the population - as discussed in Chapter Two - and has instilled a general acceptance of Filipinos’ lower position within global economic and social structures (Schirmer and Shalom, 1987; Orig, 2008; Carino, 1987). Subsequently, people declare they are proud to be Filipinos because of their resilience, family values, and laughter in the face of adversity, but are simultaneously trying to find a way to leave the Philippines and adopt a new nationality.
A complex system where external structures, colonial aftermath and the almost universal aspiration of Filipinos to leave their home country, as well as the capability to move internally or internationally, has fostered a ‘culture of migration’ (Reincke, 1997; Brunovskis and Surtees, 2012). The culture of migration has nurtured the mobility of people and established the idea that migration is an essential step to achieving upward social and economic mobility (Hakata, 2013). This makes poor Filipinos particularly prepared to accept an unscrupulous offer for employment out of their hometown. Migrating from a situation of poverty can therefore put people in a vulnerable position and potentially lead to human trafficking.
With the above mentioned in mind, the overall aim of this thesis was
To investigate the driving factors of the culture of migration of the Philippines and the implications for trafficking.
This chapter will discuss key issues pertaining to the Philippine migration- trafficking nexus by addressing each of the following research objectives and linking them with the literature and the interview results.
I: Investigate the conditions where people become vulnerable to trafficking II: Unpack and explain recruitment practices that exploit migrants
III: Explore survival strategies employed by Filipinos who experienced trafficking
IV: Describe the post-trafficking situation for survivors
The justification for exploring these objectives is that the external conditions that make Filipinos vulnerable to trafficking as they migrate are related to poverty and structural inequalities which distinguish them from highly skilled, more privileged migrants who are not in vulnerable positions. An examination of predatory recruitment practices explained the complex issues surrounding trust and recruitment which form the first step towards the exploitation of migrants. The survival strategies applied by migrants who experience trafficking are linked with the notion of agency within situations of exploitation. Finally, discussing life after trafficking presents the conditions which persist in migrants’ hometowns after repatriation which can lead to people attempting to migrate again and risk being re-trafficked.
In order to understand how migration becomes a cultural aspect of the Philippines it was important to hear the voices of those who utilised migration as a survival strategy. A qualitative methodology was employed so as to hear the narratives of seven women and two men who experienced trafficking for forced labour or sex as they attempted to migrate, and to understand the social and cultural context of the migrants’ lives which increase their susceptibility to trafficking (Byrne 2012; Pope and Mays, 2006; Birch and Miller, 2000). Further information was gathered through informal conversations with seven key informants who had first-hand and expert knowledge on trafficking (Sandelowski, 2000; Taylor-Powell and Renner, 2003). A document analysis was also utilised to investigate the wider context which shapes and impacts Filipinos’ lives, in order to identify what factors make migrants vulnerable to trafficking (IOM, 2008). The four research objectives were
addressed by including the viewpoints of the trafficking survivors themselves, to understand why people make the decision to migrate despite high risks. The narratives obtained through interviews in Samar were combined with observations made over five months living in the Philippines.
Following a discussion on each objective, the results will be placed within the wider context of the themes which formed the thesis framework and were introduced in Chapter One and discussed in detail in Chapters Two and Three. The themes used in the research framework – globalisation, gendered migration and migrants’ rights – were utilised throughout the thesis to give context to wider global political structures which influence internal and international migrants in general and in the Philippines specifically. These will be discussed in relation to the government and nongovernmental policies and initiatives to combat