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ADMINISTRADORES DENTRO DE LAS EMPRESAS

In document INSTITUTO POLITÉCNICO NACIONAL (página 96-101)

2.6 ADMINISTRACIÓN DE LAS EMPRESAS

2.6.3 ADMINISTRADORES DENTRO DE LAS EMPRESAS

WHAT’S UP WITH THIS LEADERSHIP THING? VOICES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE UNDERGRADUATES

The development of future leaders has been the original purpose and cornerstone of higher education since its inception (Dewey, 1916 ). According to Dewey, the role of educators is not to view education “as something, like filling a vessel with water, but rather [as] assisting a flower to grow in its own way” (Dewey, 1916, p. 38). The creation of an educated society has been promoted as the method to ensure that the people

prosper and evolve to their upmost potential (Sarason, 1971). As stated by Nohria and Khurana (2010), higher education is charged to develop the next generation of “leaders who possess the competency and character necessary to lead our modern society” (p. 3). Numerous studies have been published concerning the plight of African American males in the United States education system (Becker & Becker, 2003; Bonner & Bailey, 2006; Fashola, 2005; Fleming, 1984; Harper, 2003; Howard-Hamilton, 1997; J. Jackson & Moore, 2006; Weatherspoon, 2005). The need to explore plausible solutions surfaced as literature and the media continued to depict African American males as unconcerned,

unintelligent, and lacking the ability to lead or excel (hooks, 2004; Majors & Billson, 1992).

Numerous studies informing the experiences of African American male college students have been conducted (Harper, 2014). The most influential factor that informed the experiences of African American males was Black racial identity. While Byars- Winston (2010) identified being Black as central to identity for Blacks, DeCarlo (2005)

argued that the impact of race was only recently “included and obliquely expounded upon in conceptual models of human development” (p. 36). Specifically for African American male college students, X. M. Allen (2000) and Gray (1995) noted continued low college matriculation and graduation rates of African American males as directly correlated to the decline of the African American family structure (X. M. Allen, 2000; Gray 1995). Several scholars have agreed that a relationship exists between

environmental and cultural factors that influence human behavior, including academic performance and self-perception (Becker & Becker, 2003; Brookover & Erickson, 1969; Maxwell, 2004; Morrow & Torres, 1995).

According to C. Brown (2006), as some colleges and universities experience improvement in enrollment of African American males, the struggle to retain and graduate those students has continue. Solórzano et al. (2010) contended that out-of- classroom experiences often play a significant role in African American male students’ early departure from the university. Harper and Harris (2010) and Strayhorn and Terrell (2007) identified possible methods to address the needs of African American male college students that called for action by faculty and student affairs professionals. Due to the nature of student affairs professionals’ roles as gatekeepers to student organizations, they have been thrust into the front lines in addressing the growing disparities between African American males and other males in higher education (C. Brown, 2006).

As student affairs professionals continue to grapple with engaging African American males, there must be intentionality in the design of campus opportunities to meet the needs of these students. This study sought to identify student involvement

needs by identifying perceptions of leadership among African American male college students who participated in a gender- and race-specific college leadership development program. To examine and make meaning of African American male college students’ perceptions of leadership, it was important to review relevant literature. In the following section, African American male identity, college student involvement for African American males, and leadership were reviewed to inform the study.

African American Male Identity

According to Erikson (1968), a sense of self develops as a person discovers self and a personal role as defined by society. Erikson suggested that an undergirding principle of identity is development of ego identity as the sense of self that develops through social interaction. The theory incorporated biological and racial perspectives to inform the development of identity. To explain African American male identity,

literature relevant to African American racial identity, male gender identity, college male identity, and the intersection of each of these identities were reviewed.

African American Racial Identity

Racial identity is “one of the most heavily researched areas that focuses on the psychological experiences of African Americans” (Sellers et al., 1998, p. 19) and includes attitudes and beliefs about being African American and part of the African American race (Decuir-Gunby, 2009). Cross and Fhagen-Smith (2001) and Sellers et al. (1998) are frequently cited in reviews of recent literature describing African American identity. Both frameworks outline African American identity development to be socially constructed.

The Cross and Fhagen-Smith (2001) lifespan model of Black identity

development suggests cyclical stages over the course of the African American’s life. African Americans with positive self-perceptions have a better understanding of being African American and actively engage with society as an African American. The multidimensional model of racial identity posed by Sellers et al. (1998) provides a theoretical framework for the significance that African Americans assign to being African American and to being part of the African American race.

Male Gender Identity

Kimmel (2010) suggested that males experience masculinity as a “homosocial enactment” whereby men “are under constant careful scrutiny of other men; “Other men watch us, rank us, grant our acceptance into the realm of manhood. Manhood is

demonstrated for other men’s approval” (p. 23). Majors and Billson (1992) also discussed masculinity as they introduced the concept of masculine attainment, a term that refers to the “persistent quest for gender identity” (p. 30). They contended that what constitutes a man is the ability to be responsible and provide for himself and his family. This challenge is heightened for Black males in America due to systematic racism.

College Male Gender Identity

Upon entering college, students begin with multiple identities that must be acknowledged (Orbe, 2004). Student affairs professionals must refrain from the attempt to develop students by compartmentalization as they enter college. Chickering and Reisser (1993) and Harper and Harris (2010) informed this study concerning college male identity.

According to Harper and Harris (2010), “Understanding the development of college men requires examining their socially constructed experiences [because] masculinities have noticeable influences on the ways men experience college” (p. 18). The “noticeable influences” include how they develop friendships and where they allocate their out-of-class time, among other influences.

Chickering and Reisser (1993) outlined concepts for college student

development, including (a) developing competence, which is confidence in the ability to achieve a goal; (b) managing emotions, where students learn to identify and express emotions appropriately; (c) moving through autonomy toward interdependence, freeing students from needs for approval, as well as increasing decision-making abilities; (d) developing mature interpersonal relationships, where tolerance and appreciation of differences increase; (e) establishing identity as students begin to develop comfort with appearance and racial, gender, and sexual orientation, as well as a sense of self in social and cultural contexts; (f) developing purpose, as students develop the ability to establish commitments to personal interests, beliefs, and values; and (g) developing integrity, where abilities grow to balance self-interest with social responsibility.

Intersection of Racial, Gender, and College Identity

Based on the review of literature, multiple bodies of work have informed the racial, gender, and college student identity layers of the participants in this study. Sellers et al. (1998) noted the significance that African Americans assign to being African American. Kimmel (2010) identified concepts of masculinity that are exercised as the need for approval by other men. Harper and Harris (2010) validated the need to capture

socially constructed experiences to make sense of college male identity. Majors and Billson (1992) contributed the notion of male identity as a demonstration of personal responsibility and being a good provider. These scholars noted that this demonstration is not “straightforward achievement” for Black men:

Outlets for achieving masculine pride and identity, especially in political, economic, and educational systems, are more fully available to whites than to black males. This in turn restricts the Black man’s ability to achieve in family systems, to take care of a wife and family, or to be a present and supportive father. (p. 31)

Chickering and Reisser’s (1993) establishment of identity vector informed this study as African American males grow in their comfort levels with being African American, as well as male, on their college campuses.

College Student Involvement for African American Males Astin (1996) suggested that student involvement is an important campus opportunity that correlates with student achievement and development. Tinto (1993) indicated that student organizations play an important role as agents of social integration for college students. Considering that social integration, specifically student

involvement, has a direct impact on student retention and graduation, understanding the influence of student involvement on all students on college campuses should be a priority.

A study by Pascarella and Terenzini (1991) indicated that the higher frequency and quality of student involvement in out-of-class campus opportunities, the greater the

students’ educational aspirations, improved self-confidence, and increased interpersonal and leadership skills. Further, quality student involvement experiences have led to greater satisfaction with the university and decreased departures (Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991; Tinto, 1993). Although student involvement has been recognized as beneficial, the task to ensure that these experiences are constructive and to integrate learning often rests on the shoulders of student affairs professionals (Strayhorn & Terrell, 2007).

For African American male college students, there are positive effects on identity development for those who are involved and engaged in out-of-classroom activities (Cokley, 2001; Harper, 2006a, 2006b; Harper, Carini, Bridges, & Hayek, 2004; Harper & Quaye, 2009; Strayhorn, 2008). Although research into the impact of leadership on African American male college students has increased, research concerning how African American college males frame or define leadership is minimal (Ospina & Foldy, 2009). Research has explored experiences of African American male who assumed leadership roles in predominately White organizations and/or race-based organizations (Guiffrida, 2003; Kimbrough & Harper, 2006; Sutton & Terrell, 1997). There is minimal literature that discusses how African American males perceive leadership after assuming these positions (Harper, 2009). If student affairs professionals are to aid in creation of safe learning spaces in and out of the classroom for African American males, they must address the variables that may negatively influence student involvement experiences.

Leadership Development

Societal needs for leaders equipped to work with a diverse workforce continue to grow, and higher education has been challenged with the task of developing these

leaders. Societal leaders should be equipped to cultivate partnerships, address issues critically, and develop collaborations with local communities and key stakeholders (Ewing, Bruce, & Ricketts, 2009). Higher education is charged to produce not only technically competent managers but also managers who possess the ability to motivate and lead others.

To meet this task, many colleges and universities have chosen to incorporate leadership development in their mission statements (Association of American Colleges and Universities, 2012; Astin & Astin, 2000; Boatman, 1999; Guthrie, Jones, Osteen, & Hu, 2013; Roberts, 2007) and have met this goal through encouragement of students to become involved in student organizations. The use of student organizations and

leadership development has been well documented, as well as benefits of development of students as responsible citizens or leaders for the community and positive effects on social integration of students, regardless of race (Astin & Astin, 2000; Harper & Harris, 2010; Tinto, 1993).

Quality student involvement experiences, specifically taking on leadership roles in student organizations, require leadership skill development due to eventual transitions to leadership roles (Frazier, 2009). Leadership development concepts for college

students, both in and out of the classroom, have been reflected in the literature for years (Keeling, 2004). In a study by Foreman and Retallick (2013), students who held a leadership position in a student organization scored significantly higher on the scales of consciousness of self, commitment, and individual values on the Socially Responsible Leadership Scale. Rubin, Bommer, and Baldwin (2002) reported that an extracurricular

index score indicating the number of student organizations, leadership roles, and hours spent in those organizations significantly predicted development of skills such as communication, initiative, decision making, and teamwork. The concept of leadership has developed to be more relational, process oriented, service directed, and systems focused over the past 30 years.

As the concept of leadership has evolved, the face of higher education has also evolved. Universities and colleges have become more diverse and reflective of the changing demographics of the United States. It is expected that by 2042 the United States will become a minority majority country (U.S. Department of Commerce, Census Bureau, 2010); thus, the challenge to meet the initial charge of education—educating leaders for society—has become more daunting. Higher education has recognized the need to explore the intersection of leadership development and diversity (Guthrie et al., 2013). Student affairs professionals and leadership educators have a unique opportunity to address this challenge by developing opportunities to engage African American undergraduate males in student organizations and the activities of leadership.

Early attempts at development of leadership frameworks for African American college males were often generalized from studies that focused on students of colors in general (Ospina & Foldy, 2009). This practice did not account for the intersectionality of African American college males’ multiple identities and removed the unique voice of this population (Guthrie et al., 2013). In order to develop leaders, student affairs practitioners and leadership educators must understand and legitimize the multiple identities of students (Chen & Van Velsor, 1996).

As cited by Sutton and Terrell (1997), research was conducted concerning African American leadership in student organizations (Bordas, 2007; DeSousa & King, 1992; Ospina & Foldy, 2009). However, very little research has focused on African American males. Early research conducted on African American males often focused on barriers to involvement or experience after holding a leadership position; very few focused on the perceptions of leadership before assuming leadership roles or how African American college males framed their concepts of leadership (Frazier, 2009; Harper & Quaye, 2009). The assumption by early researchers was that African American males did not assume leadership roles due to being unprepared, intimidated, or

convinced that the leadership experience was irrelevant. The idea that African American males might construct their leadership framework differently from that of their White counterparts was not considered (Fleming, 1984; LaVant & Terrell, 1994).

A study by Sutton and Kimbrough (2001) indicated that African American undergraduate males did not view leadership as positionality but instead as the role played in the organization. The term leader and the concept of leadership were associated with “acting White” or “trying to shine,” both of which were viewed

negatively (Arminio et al., 2000). In review of the limited literature concerning the voice of African American undergraduate males who participated in gender- and race-based college leadership development programs, I was led to explore this silenced population.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the perceptions and personal definitions of leadership held by African American male undergraduate participants in a

race- and gender-based leadership development program at a PWI in southwestern United States.

Study Methods

The two most common approaches to research are the quantitative and qualitative methods. The methods are dictated by different views of reality. A qualitative study is defined as an inquiry process of understanding a social or human problem, based on building a complex, holistic picture, formed with words, reporting detailed views of informants and conducted in a natural setting. The qualitative method is based on the assumption of multiple realities (Guba, 1990).

In this study, the qualitative method was used to offer a voice to participants. The study employed the basic features of the phenomenological approach. According to Polkinghorne (1989), a phenomenological researcher should be able to say, “I understand better what it is like for someone to experience that” (p. 46).

Phenomenological projects focus on the experience that the subjects report rather than on the individual. According to Lincoln and Guba (1985), “It is not possible to

understand any phenomenon without reference to the context in which it is embedded” (p. 302). According to Patton (1990), in phenomenological research there is a core to the meaning of common experience among participants. During the phenomenological research process, prior experiences and interest are shortly cast aside so as not to interfere with the research. This was important in the current study, which focused on second-semester freshmen African American males at a university in the south. The core framework of the research followed standards set forth by Moustakas (1994) that a

phenomenological account should get inside the common experience of a group of people and describe the what, how, and meaning of that shared experience.

Based on past experience with the phenomena and willingness to participate, a purposive sample approach was used. Twelve participants were interviewed concerning their experiences with a college leadership program created for African American males at Big South University (BSU; a pseudonym) called Black Men Lead (BML; a

pseudonym). The common phenomenon was the BML, an 8-week program for second- semester and sophomore African American males and was sponsored by the BSU National Pan-Hellenic Council (NPHC) fraternities, the governing council for

historically African American fraternities and sororities. The BML program incorporated peer leaders, leadership skill training and leadership theory overview, life skills training, academic study groups, history of Blacks in the United States, Black identity

development, small-group discussions, a leadership excursion, and a culmination project. Setting and Context

I identified and invited study participants using a criterion and convenience sample (Appendix A). The study participants ranged in socioeconomic classification and academic major. All held a grade point average of 2.5 or higher and had participated in leadership positions in high school, had played a sport, or were members of a high school honor society. I collected data using 1-hour to 1.5-hour semistructured interviews and transcribed and organized data into statements for data analysis. The statements were clustered into themes and evaluated across participant interviews for commonality and similarities.

Interviews

Each participant was informed of the purpose of the study and signed a consent form (Appendix B) prior to participation. The demographic data for each participant were collected prior to the study via the BML program application and interview. Participants were encouraged to use pseudonyms to ensure confidentiality and were offered opportunities to question the interviewer at the conclusion of the interview. The names of participants were withheld and distinguishable characteristics or comments were withheld from the final report. Each interviewee was assigned a numerical value to acknowledge identity.

The interviews were hosted on campus and lasted approximately an hour. Open- ended and guiding questions (Appendix C) were generated based on the literature review. The interviews were transcribed by hand. They varied in style, which allowed for free expression by the participant. I employed interview techniques such as

paraphrasing, summarizing, and empathizing to develop rapport and insight into each student’s experience. The questions focused on the BML experience, identity,

perceptions, interactions with peers, and leadership. After coding the data from the first interview, each participant met with me in person or by telephone to discuss

discrepancies between their statements and my interpretations. Data Analysis

I analyzed the interview transcripts using the constant comparative method (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). This method involved simultaneously performing a systematic coding and analysis of the data to generate theory instead of beginning with a theory or

hypothesis in mind. The data were analyzed and assigned codes to categories that emerged from the data (Creswell, 1998; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Techniques identified by Miles and Huberman (1994) and Moustakas (1994) were used to analyze data systematically. The analysis process began with a reading of the verbatim interview transcripts and was completed by a three-level coding method.

The first level of coding included “carefully examining the data and selecting phrases, words, and stories when observed individually contains a single unit of

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