Análisis de la capacidad de gestión institucional de EPSAS

(Islamic Assembly)

The JI is the Bangladeshi manifestation of an Islamic revivalist party founded by Maulana Syed Abu Ala Maududi in 1940 in India. After independence in 1947 it became an important but generally unsuccessful party in Pakistan. The present party in Bangladesh is the successor to the party’s branch in East Pakistan.

The party is not fully organized in all areas of the country. It appears to be strongest in membership (not in voting strength) in urban areas. The JI advocates the establishment of an Islamic state in which law would be based on and in agreement with Islamic law, the sharia. A precise definition of what this would mean in the context of Bangladesh has not been given, but it is generally assumed that among other things it would mean the restriction of rights for women and minority groups.

The party joined the coalition led by the BNP for the 2001 elections. It delivered 18 seats out of the total of 215 won by the alliance. Motiur Rahman Nizami is the leader of the party.

Minor Political Parties

There are a host of other parties in Bangladesh. Two of these, the Jatiya Party–Naziru and the Islami Oikay Jute, are members of the governing coalition led by the BNP. Other minor parties include the Jatiya Party–Manzur, the Krishak Sramik Janata League, and 10 other parties of the alliance of 14 that form the opposition.

Other Political Forces

The military has twice declared martial law, in 1975 and 1982, under the leadership of Zia and Ershad, respectively. However, the role of the military in poli- tics has decreased. When Ershad was forced to resign in 1990, the military reportedly refused to come to his assistance. Reported political actions by military offi- cers in 1996 resulted in the dismissal of those accused. This met with no active response from other military

officers. It is far too early to aver that the military will not play a role in politics in the future, but its partici- pation seems far less likely than in the past.

The bureaucracy has also played a role at times. Most recently, during the 1995 agitation by the AL, JP, JI, and others against the BNP government’s refusal to accept the demand for the holding of elections under neutral caretaker governments, several civil servants clearly stated their support of the demand. This, how- ever, is rare. Another example came in 1971 when some civil servants left the Pakistani government posi- tions they held, while others remained at their posts. Senior civil servants do exercise much power in deci- sion and policymaking.

Students can be and have been mobilized for politi- cal activity. Each major party has a student wing. In the 1990 agitation against Ershad, the agreement between the BNP and AL student wings forced the parent bodies and their leaders, Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina, to work together on a single-point program: the ouster of Ershad followed by free and fair elections.

Parties also have associated labor and farmers’ groups. With a low level of industrialization, labor groups are not large, but they are mainly concentrated in urban areas and can at times, such as during the demonstrations against Ershad, add numbers to the demonstrators. Farmers’ groups are less active if for no other reason than the lack of easy means to communi- cate in rural areas. In rural (as well as urban) areas, a more recent phenomenon is nongovernmental organi- zations. Many of these are centered on the “uplift” of women and therefore draw the wrath of the JI.

In the early 2000s religious extremism became an increasing problem in Bangladesh. A wave of bomb attacks in August 2005, apparently conducted by Islamic fundamentalists, badly shook the country’s political elite. Before that time, the BNP continually insisted that Islamic militancy had no traction in the country. After the bombings, the government switched tactics and banned two Islamic fringe groups, Jamatul Mujahideen and Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh.

National Prospects

At its independence Bangladesh was described as an “international basketcase.” In the 25 years of inde- pendence, it has clearly graduated from that category. It has made impressive strides in agricultural develop- ment and in population planning. Nonetheless the country’s economy remains subject to the pressure of population and the vagaries of climate that regularly

produce floods and cyclones. Bangladesh is short of three required resources for development: (1) finan- cial resources for savings and investment; (2) human resources in the sense of a trained, well-fed, and healthy population; and (3) natural resources, other than a fertile soil and natural gas, that could lead to a greater share of industry in the gross domestic product. It has found some niches in industry, espe- cially the highly successful garment industry, which has surpassed jute as the principal export. Bangladesh, however, will remain for many years to come a major recipient of international development assistance.

The political institutions are also weak. Interest groups are all but nonexistent, and the media are only now beginning to develop. However, the depoliticiza- tion of the military, if it continues, makes the continu- ation of the parliamentary system more likely. The rise of Islamic terrorism, as marked by the bomb attacks of August 2005, threatened the BNP-led government and indicated a problem that could have ramifications for years to come.

Bangladesh is considered one of the most democratic states within the Muslim world and a leading voice among least developed nations. Other nations’ continued support for democratization should make Bangladesh a continuing international priority in the region.

Further Reading

Ahmed, Moudud. Democracy and the Challenge of Democracy. Dhaka: University Press, 1995.

Baldersheim, H., I. Jamil, and S. Aminuzzaman. “Electoral Participation in Bangladesh: Explaining Regional Varia- tions.” Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 39, no. 2 (July 1, 2001): 51–72.

Banu, U. A. B. Razia Akter. Islam in Bangladesh. Leiden, Hol- land: Brill, 1992.

Baxter, Craig. “Bangladesh: Can Democracy Survive?” Cur- rent History 95, no. 600 (April 1996): 182–86.

—————. Bangladesh: From a Nation to a State. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1997.

Baxter, Craig, and Syedur Rahman. Historical Dictionary of Bangladesh, 2d ed. Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press, 1996. Choudhury, Dilara. Constitutional Development in Bangla-

desh. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994.

Heitzman, James, and Robert L. Worden, eds. Bangladesh: A Country Study. Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1989.

Hossain, Golam. General Ziaur Rahman and the BNP. Dhaka: University Press, 1988.

Novak, James. Bangladesh: Reflections on the Water. Bloom- ington: Indiana University Press, 1993.

E

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B

arbados is a small island (430 square kilometers) that lies in the Atlantic Ocean about 150 kilome- ters east of the Windward Islands. The population of about 278,000 is 90 percent black, 6 percent mixed race, and 4 percent white. With an urban proportion of only 38 percent, the rural population density is one of the highest in the world

The System of Government

Barbados is a parliamentary democracy and a constitu- tional monarchy within the British Commonwealth of Nations. The country gained independence from Britain

in 1966. There is a clear division of powers among the executive, the judiciary, and the legislature.

EXECUTIVE

The formal head of state is the British monarch rep- resented by a governor-general. The governor-general appoints as prime minister the leader of the political party that holds the most seats in the House of Assem- bly. In practice, the prime minister exercises the execu- tive power in the government.

LEGISLATURE

The bicameral legislature consists of the Senate and the House of Assembly. The Senate has 21 members

BARBADOS

By Thomas D. Anderson, Ph.D.

Revised by Soeren Kern

appointed by the governor-general: 12 on the advice of the prime minister; two on the advice of the leader of the opposition; and seven on the advice of religious, economic, cultural, and community organizations. The House of Assembly consists of 30 members, who serve five years upon winning a plurality in direct elections.

JUDICIARY

The Barbadian judicial system is based on English com- mon law, which is administered by a system of courts of summary jurisdiction and the Supreme Court of the Judicature. The latter consists of the High Court and the Court of Appeal.

REGIONAL AND LOCAL

GOVERNMENT

Barbados is divided into 11 parishes and the munici- pality of Bridgetown, the capital. All local government units are under central government control. All Bajans 18 years of age or older are eligible to vote. Parlia- mentary candidates are elected by simple plurality in single-member districts. Voter turnout traditionally is approximately 70 percent.

The Electoral System

General literacy on this small island with a free press provides a well-informed and politically conscious electorate. Campaigns usually are marked by spir- ited competition between well-organized constituency groups. Party loyalty notwithstanding, elections can be decided on the basis of personality. National elections are scheduled at five-year intervals.

The Party System

Although at least three political parties regularly vie for Assembly seats, party identification is strongest with the Barbados Labour Party (BLP) and the Democratic Labour Party (DLP).

Major Political Parties

In document PLAN DE DESARROLLO QUINQUENAL (página 157-162)