Análisis comparativo entre casos de referencia

Against the backdrop of these debates, the multicultural community of

Cabramatta has been portrayed as “Asian ghetto” (Collins, 1994: 37) and referred to as “Vietnamatta” (Dunn, 1993: 228). Cabramatta remains home to a large Vietnamese community, yet despite the high level of visibility of Vietnamese businesses in the CBD, the suburb of Cabramatta is a suburb of ethnic and cultural diversity (Collins, 1994: 36- 37). The “concentration” of Vietnamese born residents in Cabramatta can be explained by many factors, including the closeness of migrant centers, employment and housing opportunities, the existence of social support networks (community, government and associations) and business and shopping opportunities (Dunn, 1993: 236-239).

In congruence with other suburbs in Western and South Western Sydney, Cabramatta has a high proportion of young people; it also encompasses areas of

disadvantage and problems with unemployment (Legislative Council, 2001: 7-8). During the 1990’s there were widespread problems with drug activity and drug related crime in

Cabramatta that gained extensive media coverage. In particular, the 1994 murder of Cabramatta politician John Newman at his home increased the intense public scrutiny of Cabramatta. High rates of crime and of unemployment, the visibility of street level drug dealing, and unique policing problems within Cabramatta were not discussed in isolation. As Collins argues, debates in the media situated notions of “Asian crime” within a wider context of issues associated with Australian multiculturalism (Collins, 1994: 27).

In the 1990’s, the overriding response to the crime and drug problems within Cabramatta was a campaign of “saturation policing” within the CBD to target street level drug activity (Dixon and Maher, 2005: 128-129). This included police operations such as Operation Puccini, which targeted drug related activity within the CBD (Legislative Council, 2001: 39). There were many complex effects associated with these policing efforts and in the domain of public health, there were some significantly detrimental outcomes. Maher and Dixon (1999) studied the effects of “police crackdowns” in Cabramatta’s street level drug market in the context of the relationship between law enforcement and harm minimization. In terms of policing directed primarily at drug users, many harms for public health were identified including; the nasal and oral storage and transfer of heroin (risk of disease, risk of choking and possibility of overdose through swallowing to avoid prosecution), failure to carry clean injecting equipment (use of unclean syringes and the possibility of blood borne diseases) and high risk injection behavior ( possibility of overdose and unsafe disposal of used syringes) (Maher & Dixon, 1999: 496-500).

Saturation policing efforts in the CBD also prompted displacement of the drug market, spreading the drug market into residential areas and into other areas of

community life such as parks and areas around schools and homes (Maher & Dixon, 1999: 502-503). While Operation Puccini had a level of success in the reduction of street level drug activity, the subsequent displacement of dealing activity to “fortified drug houses” required modifications to policing strategies and practices that were not

undertaken due to budgetary constraints and operational limitations (Legislative Council, 2001: 48).

Thus the dispersion and displacement of the drug market in Cabramatta clearly embodied consequences for the wider community and for drug users in terms of safety and quality of life. During 1999, the management of Local Area Command resources was further complicated by a performance measure known as the Crime Index (Legislative Council, 2001: 40). While the Index did not directly inform the allocation of resources to policing in Cabramatta, it did have an impact on the allocation of resources within Local Area Command (Legislative Council, 2001: 41) As a crime measuring database that only measured some types of crime such as robbery and car theft and left out other serious crimes like murder and drug dealing, the way it was used was problematic in a community like Cabramatta with a high level of drug related crime and violence (Legislative Council, 2001: 41-42).

The year 1999 also witnessed some positive steps taken to address the drug problems within Cabramatta. The NSW government instituted a drug summit that aimed

to comprehensively deal with the drug problems (Legislative Council, 2001: 98). This in turn led to the implementation of a program that focused on eleven key areas including early intervention and prevention strategies, education programs in schools, and treatment programs (Legislative Council, 2001: 98). Increasing public concern and the efforts, courage and persistence of members of the Cabramatta community prompted an Inquiry into policing in Cabramatta in 2000. 15 _{The inquiry began in December and its public}

nature gave the community an opportunity to provide submissions and present their own perspectives. The terms of reference of the inquiry were to examine the effectiveness of police resources in terms of drug related crime; to determine the impact of the crime index on policing within Cabramatta; and to analyze the efficacy of policing for addressing the problems experienced within the community, with specific reference to those from non-English speaking backgrounds (Legislative Council, 2001: 1).

On 27March 2001, before the outcome of the inquiry was revealed, new

legislation was announced to be put in place immediately, the outcome of which included

15 _{It is important to emphasize the role played by particular individuals, including community}

representatives, politicians, journalists, business owners and members of the school community, in advocating for the Cabramatta community and ensuring that the true depth of Cabramatta’s problems and its effects on the community were brought to public attention. While I will not name these individuals here, the documentary Once Upon a Time in Cabramatta (Hickey, 2012) gives a detailed account of what led up to the Inquiry into Cabramatta Policing and of the contributions of particular individuals.

an increase in police powers including “drug house legislation”, where those identified as entering or leaving any premises identified as a “drug premises” could now be arrested and charged (Legislative Council, 2002: 7). In addition, the police would have the power to order any non-resident of Cabramatta who was suspected of being involved in drug activity to leave the area, under the umbrella of “move on powers” (Legislative Council, 2002: 7). Importantly there would be an increase of treatment places for drug

rehabilitation (an extra 500 beds) and finally the capacity for Magistrates to impose a mandatory requirement for addicts to undertake treatment as part of their bail conditions (Legislative Council, 2002:14).

After the government package was implemented there was a further review of the enquiry released in September 2002. This examined the government’s implementation of the recommendations of the inquiry and it also examined the changes within police and community relations. While much was gained from the measures put in place after the Inquiry in terms of improvements to the everyday life of the Cabramatta community, history has shown that without constant maintenance of concerted efforts to address any ongoing issues with drugs, improvements can quickly be followed by a return of the same problems experienced before. (Legislative Council, 2002: 77).

There are many sides to Cabramatta and it is important to remember that it is not only renowned for the drug and crime experienced in its recent history, but also for its historic significance in the context of Australian immigration and multiculturalism, its cultural diversity, vibrant shopping centres and central business district, and as a

destination for food tourism and cosmopolitan dining experiences. According to Kevin Dunn:

Cabramatta is a symbolically contested landscape. On the one hand, Cabramatta is disparaged as a drug haven and

disadvantaged ghetto. On the other hand, the suburb is a celebrated icon of Australia’s cultural diversity (Dunn, 1998: 517-518)

In examining relations of power within Cabramatta, it is important to keep in mind the contested understandings of Cabramatta: what it meant to the community who lived there and how wider societal understandings informed and shaped the lived experience of the individuals who made Cabramatta their home. This brief historical background will provide the backdrop against which I will present my Foucauldian analysis of power in the following chapter. As I progress through my analysis, I will refer back to aspects of Cabramatta’s history and to the significance of the debates on