Capítulo 2. Estudio de las tecnologías relacionadas
2.6. Aplicaciones en Android para la medición de vibraciones
The Murrinh Patha language (MP, also spelled Murriny Patha3) is spoken by
virtually all Aboriginal people in Wadeye, as well as smaller numbers of
Aboriginal people in other regional locations, giving it a total speaker population of 2500–3000. This makes it one of the most vibrant Australian Aboriginal languages, and also one of very few that are still being learnt by children as their first language.
MP was for some decades treated as a linguistic isolate, until Green (2003) showed that it is genetically related to the nearby (but non-‐contiguous) Ngan’gi (Reid, 1990). The languages of the Daly region have enough grammatical
similarities that they have been described as forming a sprachbund or “linguistic area” (Dixon, 2002), but apart from Ngan’gi none of the Daly languages have been shown to have a genetic relationship with MP, so at this point it can only be categorized with the rather miscellaneous “non-‐Pama-‐Nyungan” languages of the northern Australian tropical fringe (Evans, 2003).
Typologically, MP is most notable for its morphologically complex, polysynthetic verbs. All the arguments of a clause are marked on the verb using three series of “subject”, “direct-‐object” and “indirect-‐object” pronominal markers, along with inflections further specifying the number of such actors, and tense/aspect/mood properties. Further complexity arises when adverbial “endoclitics” are
incorporated into the verb, and body-‐part nominals are compounded with the verb root. But perhaps the most complex dimension of the MP verb is the
relationship between verb classifier and verb root morphemes, both of which are required for most predicates. The following predicate involves a helping action (verb root), typically performed with the hands (verb classifier):
3 The spelling with “ny” is in fact more consistent with the spelling system used in this thesis, but I follow the “nh” spelling since it is better established both at Wadeye and in published records – also as “Murrinh-‐patha” and “Murrinhpatha”. Some older records (e.g. work by Stanner) use the spelling “Murinbata”.
(1.3.1) mem-‐nintha-‐manpi=kanam
3DU.HANDS.RR(11)-‐DU.MASC-‐help=BE(4)SER
the two men are helping each other (MbM, VSE_3-‐11)
The interaction of morphemes within the verb is precise and highly codified, but the structure of the sentence beyond the verb is quite the opposite. There are few rules for word ordering, except that complex noun phrases, when they are used, are left-‐headed. But nominal elements are elided to a very great extent, and when included, are often expressed using highly generic terms. Murrinh Patha has a ten-‐part noun classifier paradigm (§4.7.1), but these classifiers are often used alone as generic nouns, with the specific semantics of the referents left to be completed by context. In the following transitive sentence, the subject, a white woman who has just appeared on the scene, is specified only by the ANIM
“animate” noun classifier ku, while the object, two men who have been carrying a piano since the beginning of the narrative, is indicated only by a bound object pronominal / number combination on the verb.
(1.3.2) yingam-‐wunku-‐dala-‐dala-‐nintha ku dji-‐kathu-‐wa 3S.AGGREGATE(25)-‐3DU.OBJ-‐block-‐RDP-‐DU.MASC ANIM DIST-‐SOURCE-‐EMPH that white lady is blocking the two men (MM, 2011-‐09-‐13, 3-‐11)
MP undoubtedly has a large vocabulary for labelling the variety of natural species in the region, but for other types of nouns and adjectives, I have the impression that a small range of lexemes is used. For example the labelling of something as “good”, “appropriate”, “functioning”, “useful”, “healthy” etc. seems to come down almost exclusively to the adjective patha. Or again, the labelling of “wood”, “tree”, “branch”, “twig” etc. is limited as far as I know to thay – though to some extent the noun classifiers can be used to create more specific meanings from the same noun, e.g. thungku thay FIRE + stick “firewood”, tju thay WEAPON + stick “fighting stick” (Walsh, 1997b). However my proposal that MP uses a limited nominal vocabulary is highly impressionistic, and much more study would be required to determine how it compares to other languages in the world, or other languages in Australia (cf. Blake, 1981, pp. 23–27).
Introduction 10
On the other hand, the paradigm of personal pronouns in Murrinh Patha is highly specific. Grammatical number distinguishes singular, dual, paucal and plural, with an added masculine/feminine gender distinction in most categories (with the “feminine” category also covering groups of mixed gender). There is also a distinction between first-‐person exclusive and inclusive forms (as is typical for Australian languages), but more unusually, there are distinct dual and paucal forms for groups of people who are related to one another as classificatory siblings. This brings the total size of the person/gender/number/siblinghood pronominal paradigm up to 28 (Street, 1987, pp. 80, 99).
MP has a simple four-‐vowel system, while the consonant inventory is fairly simple in terms of manners of articulation, though there are a large number contrastive places of articulation: bilabial, dental, alveolar, retroflex, palatal and velar. Syllable structure is fairly simple (CV, CVC or occasionally CVCC), but stress patterns on polysynthetic verbs are complex enough that they have so far eluded analysis.
1.3.1 Existing studies of Murrinh Patha
The degree of grammatical documentation currently available for MP is moderate – far from “undocumented”, but with thorough description still wanting for some core elements. The earliest general study is by the missionary Father Flynn (1950), which is superseded by Walsh’s (1976) PhD thesis. Street’s “Introduction to the language and culture” (1987) provides a selective sketch, and Chapter 6 of Blythe’s (2009) thesis is a grammatical sketch focusing on denotation. About a dozen further articles and book chapters describe various aspects of MP grammar, including phonology and phonetics (Butcher, 2004; Street & Mollinjin, 1981), verb morphology (Forshaw, 2011; Nordlinger, n.d., 2010; Nordlinger & Caudal, 2012; Seiss & Nordlinger, 2010; Walsh, 1987,
1996a), nominal predicates (Walsh, 1996b) and noun classifiers (Walsh, 1997b). Blythe has published a series of studies showing how various grammatical
structures, especially person reference and kinship, emerge in discursive
interaction (Blythe, forthcoming, 2009, 2010a, 2010b, 2010c, 2013), and there is currently a substantial project underway investigating language acquisition (Forshaw, 2013; Kelly, Wigglesworth, Nordlinger, & Blythe, 2014). There is a bidirectional dictionary compiled by Street (2012), with approximately 2300 headwords on the MP → English side, and Seiss (2011, 2012) has developed a computational morphology analyser.
When I started writing this thesis I did not foresee that my work would include much grammatical description of “traditional” Murrinh Patha as spoken by older people at Wadeye. I assumed that the descriptions found in the literature
mentioned above would be sufficient, and these could simply be referenced and summarized as a point of comparison for the speech of kardu kigay. I did not realize at that point how much grammatical detail is needed to analyse variation and change. Variation and change happen through incremental modification of fine details, with forms of speech that are not used by some speakers being used by others, or graduating over time from being “incorrect” to marginally
acceptable to quite normal. Such marginal phenomena are reported only in the most detailed grammatical descriptions. Furthermore, an understanding of how the internal dynamics of a language facilitates change and variation also requires very detailed description: for example, an understanding of how the sound /k/ becomes lenited to [x] requires quite a detailed description of how /k/ is
“normally” pronounced in the first place; or again, an understanding of how verb suffixes are shifting their phonological form and sequential order requires detailed knowledge of their earlier form(s) and order(s).
It is for this reason that the thesis contains two substantial chapters (§5 and §8) that discuss traditional MP in some detail, focusing on phonology and verb morphosyntax respectively. However, even with these chapters in place, there are still some points in the discussion of kigay’s speech where open-‐ended questions remain as to how much a certain feature is new, or whether it has simply not been documented in the traditional language. Some of these questions
Introduction 12
will only be resolved once we have very detailed descriptions of traditional MP available; some will probably never be resolved.