The third significant era of the Nigerian press is the overtly political and partisan press. Most of the daily and weekly newspapers in the country before and shortly after independence were private newspapers, and politicians owned them (Abati, 2000; Ajibade 2010;
Tador, 1996). As party publications, the papers expressed “a great deal of enthusiasm and support for particular political parties” (Edeani, 1985 cited in Ajibade, 2010, p253). While political papers provided some form of needed plurality of choices, they were unable to rise above ethnic jingoism in their coverage (Abati, 2000). Their unbridled advocacy for ethnic interests coupled with their style of combativeness not only had negative effects on the nation's political and social development, it also created persistent tensions or a semblance of war in the nation (Abati, 2000).
Regional, individual, or party-based ownership structure reflected ethnic segmentation and sympathies in coverage and patronage, serving a constant, but unhealthy menu of “vitriolic vituperations against the groups' opponents (often with) little or no consideration for the merits of the issues involved” (Folarin, 1998, p36). The result was that most of these newspapers were unable to see or promote national interests or a united nation (Tador, 1996, p48). In character, Omu (1978) noted that newspapers of this period “provided a remarkable example of over-zealous and irresponsible partisanship and recklessness” (p248).
Whereas there may be nothing wrong with politicians or political parties owning papers, what made the Nigerian case peculiar was that virtually all the available papers were segregated along party, region,
or ethnic interests (Sobowale, 1985, p31 cited in Ajibade, 2010). With the exception of the Daily Times, partisan papers almost entirely dominated the journalism space. There was hardly any other independent newspaper of note that was not party-owned or aligned in the significant middle ground. This trend of extremities denied discerning readers a pluralism of views and opinions.
Newspapers began to freely affiliate with political parties, as they were being established, from the mid-1940s. The West African Pilot had been an unabashed nationalist paper but, as Azikiwe became less a journalist-publisher and more a politician, the paper became more and more the voice of his political party. After the formation of the NCNC in 1944, many began to see the Pilot more in terms of a party, or an ethnic, or a regional paper. From the North, came Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo, edited by Mallam Abubakar Iman. Gaskiya was published in Hausa language; it began publication in 1939. The other Northern paper, a weekly from the North was Nigerian Citizen, which began publication in English much later. Chief Awolowo established the Tribune in 1949 to amplify his political voice and extend his reach.
There were other papers, like the Daily Times, the only acknowledged non-partisan paper, even though it was often suspected of, and accused of being pro-government (Duyile, 1989).
In pursuance of their political dreams, Azikiwe and Awolowo began to establish newspapers in key Nigerian cities – Lagos, Kano, Ibadan, Warri, Enugu, Onitsha, Calabar, and Jos. Most papers in this era were owned or strongly affiliated to one political party or another. Apart from Azikiwe and Awolowo, many other notable journalists from this era went on to play prominent political roles, including Anthony Enahoro, Lateef Jakande, Bisi Onabanjo, MCK Ajuluchukwu, and several others.
2.5.4 The Post-Independence Partisan Press (1960-1966)
The fourth significant period is the period after independence, leading up to the civil unrest in various parts of the country and the Civil War.
After Britain, the perceived common enemy had departed,
the Nigerian journalist was faced with new problems of adjustment to the new situation... There was the need to change the tempo of criticism and agitation to the chorus of nation building, which is a more complicating song (Enahoro, 2000, p18).
This period saw the beginning of government-funded media institutions, newspapers being paramount. In 1961, the Federal Government established the Morning Post as a daily, and the Sunday Post, as a weekly. Regional Governments followed suit by establishing their own newspapers. Eastern Region established the Eastern Nigeria Outlook, Western Region, the Daily Sketch, and the Northern Regional government acquired the Nigerian Citizen and completely rebranded it as the New Nigerian.
As governments and political parties’ ownership patterns of the press dominated the media; professional lines began to blur. Journalists who could not toe the party or government lines left the profession altogether. Those who remained, Dare noted, failed to clearly separate their professional roles from the demands of their affiliated political parties or governments; “for all practical purposes, they were party organs financed by the public” (Dare, 2000, p20).
So intense was the rivalry and the bitterness among the contending political groups that editors and the staffers working on newspapers of different political persuasions, were hardly on speaking terms (Omu, 1978). The duties of the press as Bisi Onabanjo, one of the leading journalists of the era put it was, “to carry out as far as it is possible the policy” of their principals (Jose, 1987, p52). The high degree of professional breaches in the media was well catalogued by U.A. James (1984), manifesting through “character assassinations, false accusations, blackmail and misinterpretation of facts... to the extent
that facts were muzzled and whole media organs became megaphones and machineries for propaganda to political parties and vested interests” (p33). This pattern of journalism practice would return during the post military civilian politics civil rule, indicative of the fact that journalism had become a firm tool in the hand of political elite or subjugation of opponents.