Aproximaciones cualitativas

In explaining fertility decline in Kerala, Nair (1974:325) stated that education and public health facilities brought down the birth rate in Kerala. He also suggested that it is important to look at the extent to which the rise in age at marriage reflects a decline in the birth rate. Krishnan (1976:1223) identified four elements which could have contributed to a decline in the birth rate in Kerala: the nuptiality rate, the mortality rate, percapita income, and the voluntary limitation of family

size. He also stated that the major causes of reduction in the birth rate in Kerala have been a rise in age at marriage and a decline in mortality rate; and that a rise

in age at marriage was due to improvements in the level of female education in Kerala.

Gulati (1976:1233) argued that the reduction in infant mortality rates owed more to an improvement in medical and public health facilities which increased child survivorship than to a shift in the age at marriage. This in turn seemed to have influenced the number of surviving children a woman wanted to have. Gulati added that it was the high age of female marriage in a combination of all the above-mentioned factors which seemed to have brought down the birth rate in Kerala. Kurup and Cecil (1976) were of the opinion that the

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decline in the birth rate was due to a well-organized family planning program. Ratcliffe (1978) applied the social justice theory to explain fertility decline in Kerala. According to this theory,

more equitable income distribution is strongly associated with lower fertility rates and that this is an impact net of the association of more equitable income distribution with the broader distribution of social welfare, as indicated by literacy, increased life expectancy and so on

(Repetto, 1974:1).

Ratcliffe stated that, because of the Communist governments in Kerala, a considerable degree of economic and social equity had been achieved. The Communist government introduced land reforms, minimum wage legislation, mass education, and extended health facilities and other reforms which to some extent have generated economic and social equity in the state. In his view, family planning has not contributed significantly as Kerala stands only fifth among the Indian states in family planning acceptance.

Mencher (1980) stated that agricultural labourers in Kerala were now having fewer children than before, not because their quality of life had improved, but because the decline in employment opportunities had made it economically disadvantageous for them to have more children. Basu (1986:266), supporting the idea, said that fertility decline in Kerala was poverty-induced. Zachariah (1983: 177-178) stated that the principal determinants of fertility decline in Kerala were socio-economic factors: increasing average age at marriage, low infant mortality, education, particularly female education, and other

developmental policies such as agrarian reforms, land reforms and minimum wage policies. About 60 per cent of the fertility decline could be attributed to socio-economic factors, that is, even if Kerala did not have an official family planning program, its fertility rate would have declined by 60 per cent.

Comparing Kerala with West Bengal, as both have left- oriented governments and are highly politicized, Nag (1983:29) showed that greater fertility decline in Kerala was associated more with greater equity in education and health facilities than with greater equity in income and assets. He also stated that equity in educational and health services could perhaps be attained with less political opposition, but with more significant demographic consequences which in turn were favourable for economic and social development. The low mortality level in Kerala could be attributed mostly to higher social development and to its favourable environmental and hygienic conditions

(1983:895)

Nayar (1986:166) pointed out that the success of massive programs of education and health care promotion (including the family planning program) was mainly because of ecology and culture produced a unique social structure which in turn supplied the necessary infrastructure for quick absorption of the educational and health care inputs. According to Radhadevi (1988:128) the reduction in birth

rates in Kerala was due to population pressure and the failure to meet the basic needs of the growing numbers.

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Thus, the major issues identified to explain fertility decline in the state are mass education, delayed age at marriage and a decline in mortality, particularly infant mortality. But these studies do not fully explain the nature of fertility decline as they are only the statistical associations of selected factors derived from macro-level surveys and secondary data. The importance of cultural or behavioural aspects of the community to explain rising age at marriage and changing values from a large family size to a small family size has not been adequately emphasized.

In finding explanations for the recent and rapid fertility decline in Kerala, it is important to understand the socio-economic change which induced fertility decline

in the state. As Jeffrey (1976:xiv) points out:

in every region of India the period from about 1850 to 1910 was one of striking change... Perhaps nowhere in India, however, were the changes of these years so dramatic or so little known as in the Malayalam-speaking region of Kerala in the southwestern coast.

The changes that occurred over one hundred years have transformed society in Kerala and have certainly induced demographic transition in the state. To list the major changes: patriliny has replaced matriliny; Sambandham marriages which in most cases were an unstable relationship between a man and a woman were abolished and spousal relationships became more stable; tarvads (Nayar joint families) which consisted of matrilineal kin broke into families which consisted of married couples and their children; the commercialization of agriculture gave an opportunity for Izhavas (traditionally low-caste toddy

tappers) to improve their economic conditions; social reformers fought for equality among castes and demanded the rights of education for the lower castes. This movement increased the emphasis on literacy among the lower castes.

The effects of these changes were an improvement in literacy levels, a spread of egalitarian ideas, a higher age at marriage, change in family structure and increased political awareness: for instance, in 1957 Kerala was the first state in the world to freely vote a Communist party to power in the state assembly.

During the post-Independence period India on the whole has been moving towards modernization. A number of policies have been introduced at the national and state levels to improve the socio-economic conditions of the people. The government has introduced land reforms, a minimum wage policy for labourers, free education, a family planning program and improved medical facilities. As a result, there has been fragmentation of land, improvement in literacy levels, abolition of bonded labour leading to improved working conditions; increased use of contraception and a decline in mortality.