CAPÍTULO II APLICACIÓN TEMPORAL
ART 6 Exp Nº 1297-
This was borne out by the crisis of confidence generated by the second term aspirations of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo. Whilst the crisis lasted, a high level of corruption that had been perpetuated by top public office holders in Nigeria was exposed, particularly the alleged running of dedicated bank accounts by close associates of both the President and the Vice-President for selfish motives. The genesis of the Obasanjo/Atiku crisis could be traced to the 2003 PDP presidential primaries, when the Vice-President, Atiku Abubakar, indicated his interest in vying for his party’s (PDP) ticket as its flag bearer in the 2003 presidential election, despite the sudden decision of his boss to seek re-election.
Following intense persuasion by party stalwarts and elder-statesmen, Atiku later supported Obasanjo’s re-election bid and agreed to enter the contest as his running mate. Immediately after the 2003 elections, the President moved against his Vice-President by whittling the latter’s powers in government and removing certain portfolios that were under his supervision. In addition, some of the Vice-President’s political appointees were removed; the President also, reportedly, led a campaign for the VP’s impeachment, alleging abuse of office, when a case was raised against the VP for allegedly using his office to further his private business interests.
The probing of the Petroleum Trust Development Fund’s (PTDF) funds with the Trans International Bank (TIB) necessitated that the EFCC followed up a letter of complaint from William Jefferson to President Olusegun Obasanjo over an alleged $6.5 million telecommunications deal between NDTU, owned by Otunba Reuben Fasewe, and his company, iGate. The issue came to the fore as a result of a $1 million bribe demanded from him before iGate could secure a contract.
The outcome of the investigation alleged that Atiku Abubakar used his office and position to divert funds, (approved for the PTDF operations), to the Equatorial Trust Bank (ETB) and the Trans
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International Bank (TIB), Abuja, instead of implementing the projects for which the money was meant. These actions were said to have benefitted his private business interests and those of his friends and associates, rather than the public interest. This, it was alleged, amounted to mismanagement, misappropriation and abuse of office. Particular mention was made of the business interests of the Vice-President’s associates in Netlink Digital Television (NTD), a satellite television project and the Mofas Shipping Company, where the Chairman was a long-standing friend of the Vice-President.
In the report, Atiku was alleged to have approved the sum of $125 trillion and a $20 million PTDF funds’ placement in ETB and TIB, since it negated the purpose for which the funds were requested. It was reported that Otunba Fasewe received over N700 million in loans from the TIB shortly after the PTDF money was deposited there.
On the other hand, Atiku alleged that the Mofas Shipping Company account with TIB, which was allegedly being used for his personal interest and those of his associates, was actually used by the President and his political party PDP to divert public funds for personal, business and political activities between 1999 and 2004. It was alleged that the President’s campaign funds were drawn from the said account, which was run by Otunba Fasewe.
The pattern of coverage of the scam by the four selected newspapers revealed the pursuit of different agendas by the media houses. An overview of these cases, as reported in these four Nigerian print media between the 7th and 29th September, 2006, are discussed later in this section. 2006 was marked by political corruption that rocked the seat of power in Nigeria. The four print media covered the corruption cases involving the two powerful personalities.
6.3.2 Analysis of Newspaper Reports
The Punch and Nigerian Tribune newspapers were picked for the first case study, tagged the Obasanjo/ Atiku Scam. This section of the thesis analyses the coverage of corruption related stories involving some key officials of the Third Republic, namely, the former President Olusegun Obasanjo and his deputy, Atiku Abubakar, as well as the scandal that rattled the House of Representatives in Abuja, the city which is the seat of power in Nigeria. The two newspapers
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picked for the first case study, tagged the Obasanjo/Atiku scandal, framed the stories of the scandal in different ways. The headlines and the introductory paragraphs of each story in the two newspapers revealed the inherent agendas of those papers in terms of their sympathy or apathy. A critical discourse analysis of the Obasanjo/Atiku scandal revealed that the ownership structure and political affiliation of a paper plays a dominant role in the way news stories are framed by that newspaper.
An analysis of the news reports, starting with the Nigerian Tribune, clearly showed the bias and tone in defence of the coverage. A critical analysis of the headlines, in Table 6.1, reveals the subject and the object of the story. It is imperative to consider these two headlines from The Punch newspapers:
How Atiku looted PTDF – Presidency
Controversial Account belongs to Obasanjo and Atiku – Atiku aide
The Tribune, for instance reported:
The EFCC report on Atiku.
Atiku lists Obasanjo’s 127 impeachable offences.
The Punch newspaper reported that the Presidency had given graphic details of how Vice-President
Atiku, who supervised the Petroleum Trust Development Fund (PTDF), had deployed the resources of the Fund for political activities. The second headline by The Nigerian Tribune, justified the actions of the Vice-President, claiming that the account was being jointly run by Obasanjo and Atiku. A crucial examination of all the headlines in The Punch shows that the paper was trying to be liberal.
The tone of the newspaper coverage neither condemned nor shamed the actions of the two leaders involved in the scandal. It was easy to discern that the newspaper was sitting on the fence and refraining from incurring the wrath of the Presidency, which might deny it the patronage of
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advertising from government Ministries, Department and Agencies. However, The Nigerian
Tribune’s position was defensive and provided media space for Atiku.
The coverage of the incident by the two papers did not reflect any deep ethno- regional division in the Nigerian media, as the two papers were based in Lagos and Ibadan respectively (both cities are in the South Western zone of the country, sometimes referred to as the Lagos - Ibadan axis). To a large extent, the political affiliation of the owners of the two newspapers determined the frame, tone and the structure of the stories and headlines.
These two stories, which emanated from the same scandal but with different tones and headlines, showed that the agendas of the papers were determined by their political affiliations. The Punch appeared to be reporting the investigative findings of a government agency, EFCC, which was controlled by Obasanjo, while The Nigerian Tribune carried a report from Atiku’s camp listing 127 impeachable offences that were said to have been committed by Obasanjo. It was a case of different strokes for different issues. The newspapers fed their readers with the biased corruption related issues that filled the pages of many newspapers in Nigeria. This kind of reportage did not send the correct message to readers, and this is how newspaper editors frame stories that, directly or indirectly, shape the perception of readers.
The scenario, above, is a further confirmation that the way a language is deployed determines the direction of a discourse. For advocates of critical discussions, language can be used to represent speakers’ beliefs, position and ideas in terms of spoken, written or oral message (Mogashoa,20014: 112). While the headlines in The Punch gave subtle indications that Atiku was guilty of the corruption allegation levelled against him, The Tribune concentrated on defending the Vice- President, giving him generous media space, bold headlines and catchy phrases in order to hit back at his boss in relation to the scandal. The newspaper reported the dirty deals of Obasanjo and did not provide an alibi for the financial misconduct levelled against Atiku. The following headlines will suffice:
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Atiku revealed more dirty deals.
A critical analysis of the news items reported has indicated that there was no single instance in these two newspapers that their news reports were efforts at investigative journalism; meaning that there was a dearth of investigative media practice in the country, but what we do have is more than one newspaper reporting on the same issue, and possibly casting similar headlines on the scandal. These headlines appeared in both The Punch and The Nigerian Tribune on the same day:
PDP Suspends Atiku
Atiku to Be Tried-Conduct Bureau
Curiously, none of the newspapers asked what had become of the President, who was alleged to have been involved in the scandal, based on the series of revelations about the scam. The lack of follow-ups by the media, and possibly also the lack of in-depth analysis of the event, portends a serious erosion of the responsibility for the Nigerian media’s accountability.
When these headlines from The Nigerian Tribune are compared to those of The Punch, it can be easily inferred that the economic and political affiliations of the paper have played a central role in reporting on corruption related stories in Nigeria. One of the negative outcomes is that the reader who limited him/herself to The Punch or The Nigerian Tribune due to purchasing powers was likely to get a partisan account of the entire scandal. From this analysis, therefore, it is clear that corruption related stories were framed based on the economic and political affiliation of the papers, with little or no consideration for the behaviour of the gladiators in the state of affairs of the nation. The likely social effect on the readers of this kind of framing is that public space is filled with biased reports and the possibility of a public discourse that is based on facts and figures is nil.
The possibility that the readers of an average newspaper stick to their own myopic world view was therefore perpetuated. An ardent reader of The Nigerian Tribune is likely to view the scandal as an attempt by the Obasanjo led federal government to run a witch-hunt against his deputy, and possibly to prevent him from succeeding as president in office, while an average reader of Punch
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newspapers may view the scandal as part of Obasanjo’s anti-corruption crusade, which was meant to cleanse and sanitize the Nigerian political landscape.
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Table 6.1: Obasanjo/Atiku Corruption Scandal as Reported by The Punch and The Nigerian Tribune, based on Subject-Verb-Object (SVO)
Nominalisation SVO Newspaper Date
The EFCC report on Atiku The Punch 8th Sept, 2006
How Atiku, Adenuga, Mohammed, Babangida diverted public funds
Text of the report President
Obasanjo’s administration panel of inquiry.
The Punch 9th Sept, 2006
Epic Battle Obasanjo VS Atiku The Punch 10thSept, 2006
Obasanjo, Atiku in war of letters Vice-President raises legal team, Gani says - it’s over for him.
The Punch 11th Sept, 2006
2003 poll: Obasanjo collected 50 million Naira from Dariye – Atiku.
It’s not true – Presidency Vice-President suspended vacation.
The Punch 12th Sept, 2006
How Atiku looted PTDF - Presidency
The Punch 13th Sept, 2006
Atiku hits Obasanjo with Check Bomb… says President collected 36 million Naira through Fasawe’s account.
14th Sept, 2006
PDP summons Atiku
Vice-President chasing shadows says presidency.
Obasanjo is misleading Nigeria – Atiku
The Punch 15th Sept, 2006
Atiku should be impeached – Gani Fawehinmi
The Punch 10th Sept, 2006
You can’t have my wife’s letters to Jefferson, Atiku tells Ribadu.
The Punch 9th Sept, 2006
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Atiku drops fresh bombshell
Obasanjo’s aide made over 100 withdrawals from controversial account – Vice-President
Beg Nigerians for forgiveness – Presidency tells Atiku
The Punch 16th Sept, 2006
Resign now, Presidency tells Atiku, No it’s Obasanjo who should go – Atiku
The Punch 17th Sept, 2006
DDP suspends Atiku The Punch 29th Sept, 2006
I’m ready for FBI, EFCC probes – Atiku
Nigerian Tribune
6th Sept, 2006
Obasanjo orders Atiku impeached
Send request to Senate I remain Innocent – Atiku
Nigerian Tribune
7th Sept, 2006
Atiku lists Obasanjo’s 127 impeachable offences
As Senate receives EFCC
reports on Vice-President
Nigerian Tribune
8th Sept, 2006
EFCC Reports: PDP mauls Atiku.
Nobody can stop me – Atiku Obasanjo is playing Bole
Kaja politics – Senior Advocate of Nigeria
Nigerian Tribune
9th Sept, 2006
Atiku’s men ready with Obasanjo’s impeachment motion
Nigerian Tribune
11th Sept, 2006
Controversial account belongs to Obasanjo, Atiku – Atiku’s aides
Nigerian Tribune
12th Sept, 2006
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Obasanjo sends Jefferson’s letter to National Assembly
Shun Atiku’s handshake How Obasanjo operated MOFAS account – Atiku
Nigerian Tribune
16th Sept, 2006
Obasanjo VS Atiku
Atiku reveals more dirty
deals
PDP will decide Atiku’s fate soon – Ali
Gani asks Obasanjo to quit
Nigerian Tribune
18th Sept, 2006
Atiku shuns PDP’s invitation Nigerian Tribune
19th Sept, 2006
Atiku’s Aide Arrested 20th Sept, 2006
Atiku to be tried – Conduct Bureau 27th Sept, 2006
PDP suspends Atiku. My suspension is illegal – Atiku
29th Sept, 2006 Researcher’s field work 2015
The Punch newspaper coverage appeared not to have been tilted in favour of either of the two
gladiators, but the common theme that emanated from the coverage indicated that the news items, as published, was simply the reports provided by the two camps. None of the report was an effort relating to investigative journalism carried out by the newspapers. Second, there was no adequate follow up report on the scam. Invariably, the issue fizzled out. The Nigerian Tribune coverage of this particular story appeared to have favoured Atiku. This is because some of Atiku’s media aides were former staff of The Nigerian Tribune, and perhaps the owners of the newspaper were not favourably disposed to the Obasanjo presidency. Just as in the reportage of The Punch, Tribune’s report was devoid of any investigative journalism and there was no deliberate effort to do the necessary follow-up, even after the two had left office.
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What differed in all the surveyed newspapers were the headlines and the introductory parts of their stories, the body and sometimes the wording were the same, so that once you read a report by Newspaper A, you need not have read Newspaper B. It is pertinent to note that some of the headlines were front page lead stories, while a substantial part of the news items was used as “promos” for news stories that were in the inner pages.
6 3.3 The Second Case Study
A synopsis of the Farouk Lawan Fuel Subsidy Scam
The Second study is on the subsidy probe scandal involving a federal lawmaker from the North, Lawan Farouk, and a Lagos based businessman from South-West, Femi Otedola.
The House of Representatives had set up a Public Inquiry Committee, headed by the Hon. Farouk Lawan, to look into the allegations of corruption being perpetrated by oil marketers. The Committee held a series of closed door sessions and held a public hearing between January and February, 2012, which culminated in the submission of a Report on April 18th, 2012. It uncovered monumental fraud in fuel subsidy management.
The House considered the Report and passed the resolutions. However, it was later alleged that some monies had exchanged hands. Some sections of the media reported that the Oil Baron Femi Otedola had given the Hon. Farouk Lawan, and his associates, a $620,000 bribe to exonerate Zenon Oil from indictment.
The Chairman of the Committee, the Hon. Lawan, issued a statement denying ever collecting any bribe from anybody. However, less than 24 hours after that denial, Otedola admitted to offering the bribe in what he referred to as a “sting operation” involving security operatives. In a report on Premium Times, an online news agency, on the three occasions that Lawan visited Otedola in a C- class Mercedes Benz, during which five video recordings were made, each of them for a period of between eight and 10 minutes. It alleged that Lawan negotiated the terms of the bribe with Mr. Otedola over lunch during the first visit. On the second visit, it was reported that he received the first part of $250,000 at about 11 p.m. On the third visit, the recording indicated that he received the balance at about 5.05am. He was said to have put the money in his pockets and under the cap.
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The coverage of the scandal by the two newspapers, which involved some key officials of the House of Representatives, revealed the ethno-regional divide of the Nigerian newspaper industry.
A critical analysis of the fuel subsidy scam and its coverage by both The Daily Trust and ThisDay newspapers revealed that the former was more sympathetic to the cause of the Federal Lawmaker than the latter. The partisanship showed in the headlines of Daily Trust is also vividly shown in some of the first few paragraphs of their news items. Though the issue was same, the newspapers reported select portions of the scandal that fitted into their narrative. Here are a few examples of the headlines published by the Daily Trust on the fuel scandal. The Daily Trust is based in Abuja and is owned by a Northerner.
Farouk’s Fall into a Big Trap
$620,000 bribery Saga: Farouk Released, Vows to Sue FG How He Fell into a Big Trap
Fresh multi-million bribery Trials House
Emergency Session after Spending 48 hours in Police Custody.
Farouk in Condemned Criminal’s Cell buys own bucket, cup, soap
In the above headlines, the Daily Trust newspaper did not hide its sympathy for Lawan, a suspect being tried for corruption-related acts. The introductory part of the first headline showed that the paper was trying to portray the accused as innocent to some members of the public, especially the readers from the Northern part of the country. The first paragraph read thus:
Now, we’ve got him at last! This may be the Victory refrain of powerful elements in the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), the Presidency and among oil barons. They clink their glasses in a toast of exotic wines as they celebrate the fall of this middle-aged but young-looking man.
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The above is the first paragraph of a front page lead story published in the 17th June, 2012, edition by The Daily Trust, on “Faroukgate”. It is clear that Daily Trust chose to write from a partisan position in the process, and jettisoned the tenets of its profession. Facts and figures were