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Benchmarking de MAMLOGISTICA SAS y sus principales Competidores

Las 4 etapas en el desarrollo de la calidad son:

7. Benchmarking de MAMLOGISTICA SAS y sus principales Competidores

McKinnon points out that when it became apparent that non-citizen residents could obtain multiple-re­

entry visas, citizenship applications again fell to their previous levels (McKinnon 1996:44-5).

during that year. Nearly six percent of New Zealand residents who were born in Korea also gained citizenship - a particularly notable figure, given that Korea does not allow its citizens to hold dual citizenship. Koreans therefore incur a far greater cost than others in becoming New Zealand citizens (Lidgard et al. 1 998:36-7). During the same year, less than two percent of the more than 1 80,000 British citizens resident in New Zealand were granted citizenship, as were less than half of one percent of Irish citizens. While many of those citizens from Britain and Ireland may have lived for longer periods in New Zealand, and may have previously taken up New Zealand citizenship, these are not static populations. In the five years leading up to 1 996, 1 3,436 Britons and 4 1 6 Irish were approved for residence in New Zealand (Statistics New Zealand). This suggests that many more British and Irish citizens would need to become naturalised New Zealanders if they were to match the proportion of Asians doing so.

Table 2.3

Citizenships Granted in 1996: Country of Birth, as a Proportion of the Normally Resident Population

Citizenship Total Resident

Grants in Population·· % 1996·

Hong Kong

1 ,1 1 5 1 1 ,760 9.5%

Korea

664 1 2,183 5.5%

Taiwan

1 ,092 10,932 1 0.0%

Britain

3,044 2 1 1 ,455 1 .4%

Ireland

74 1 8,579 0.4%

*

Source: New Zealand Department of Internal Affairs

**

Source:

1 996

Census, Statistics New Zealand

There are several factors that may explain the greater readiness of Asian migrants to take up New Zealand citizenship. One is in response to the racialisation and suspicion with which they have been confronted, demonstrated by Winston Peters' suggestion that the presence of migrants who "neither speak our language nor share our values" was contrary to the national interest. Becoming new New Zealanders is one way to demonstrate a commitment to New Zealand and to undermine, to some degree, the nativist, ''New Zealand for New Zealanders" ideology. Much of Ip's work ( 1 990; 1 996;

2000), emphasising the historic presence of a Chinese community in New Zealand, also serves to disrupt this racialising discourse. Yang refers to this sort of explanation as the forced self-protection hypothesis, which posits that members of minority groups that have historically suffered discrimination are more likely to become naturalised citizens than others (Yang 1 994b:595-6). Yang's research of U.S. census data lends support to this hypothesis (ibid.:614).

Another factor motivating many Asian migrants to take up New Zealand citizenship is more instrumental: New Zealand citizenship opens doors for Asian migrants which would otherwise be closed to them, particularly the opportunity to on-migrate to Australia (Lidgard, et al. 1 998 :37). This practice has invited criticism from both nativist New Zealanders and Australians alike: the New Zealanders accuse such migrant citizens of "disloyalty", of manipUlating the system; while Australian critics blame lax immigration policies in New Zealand for creating a "back door" for migrants who would not otherwise qualify for entry into Australia (Jp 2000: 1 1). This is a point to which J will return in the next chapter.

However, New Zealanders are not unfamiliar with such an instrumental approach to citizenship. Many New Zealanders who are eligible, on the basis of genealogy, take up British citizenship as a means to access educational, career and travel opportunities both in Britain and across the European Union. As Spoonley notes:

Dual nationality is a relatively nonnal and standard option for New Zealanders, as long as they fulfil the conditions required to be a citizen of the other country and if they see any advantage. It has been possible to gain British or Irish nationality, notably a passport, and to claim other nationalities at the same time as a New Zealand passport or nationality. Given the significant proportion of the New Zealand population that fulfil the conditions of Irish or British nationality, this has been seen as an option with certain advantages, especially given the possibility of access to the European Community offered by a British or Irish passport (Spoonley 200 1 : 1 64 -emphasis added).

Given their long-standing instrumental approach to citizenship, and the transnational opportunities offered by the gaining of a strategically significant passport, New

Zealanders should not find it surprising that others may calculate an instrumental advantage in gaining the administrative status offered to them by New Zealand citizenship.

While acknowledging the problematic nature of the concept of 'social cohesion', this section has highlighted two challenges to social cohesion - that is, to basic patterns of social cooperation and a generally accepted core set of values - which confront states coming to gnps with the increased cultural diversity inherent in contemporary migration. Host society resistance to ethnic diversity, particularly as prodded by proponents of the 'new racism' (no doubt by old-fashioned racists as well), is a significant challenge to such cohesion, as well as to attempts to establish patterns of inter-ethnic cooperation and dialogue over core values. Related to the first challenge, and complicated by it, is the task of incorporating new migrants. New Zealand's regime of incorporation is made problematic by the Crown's Treaty-based constitutional relationship with the tangata whenua, and the bicultural policy framework that has developed from it. The liberal mode of membership available to migrants, and the very low threshold for formal civic, political and social incorporation in New Zealand (based on residency rather than citizenship), presents resident migrant groups with the unique opportunity to participate fully in the political process without necessarily having to become naturalised citizens. However, the relationships between migrants and the Treaty of Waitangi, and therefore between migrants and Maori, have not been sufficiently formalised or articulated in policy, a fact which causes persistent tension between biculturalism and multiculturalism.

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