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Not only is the type of adaptations required in the Philippines influenced by the hydromet hazards the country experiences, but it is also influenced by and set within the context of developmental needs. Interviews with government and academe

highlight that the causes of climate-related disasters, namely flooding, although likely exacerbated by climate change may be traced back to much more domestic developmental issues as well.

Frequently cited causes of flooding in Metro Manila, in particular in reference to TS Ondoy in 2009, are discussed here. Specific attention is first paid however to the arguably erroneous belief that informal settlements are a key causal factor of flooding. During TS Ondoy a very high volume of rainfall, which fell over a 24-hour period, caused flooding across the metropolis. In Quezon City, this flooding was particularly severe in areas around the Marikina River, Pasig River and the Tullahan River (which carries water from La Mesa Reservoir behind La Mesa Dam). Many people, especially government agencies attribute the flooding to informal settlements located along   the   banks   of   waterways.     This   is   reflected   in   the   President’s   5-Year Resettlement Program mentioned below in Sub-section 5.1.3. Informal settlements are seen to inhibit the flow of water and also contribute to siltation and large volumes of garbage in the waterways (N7; C1; C4). Furthermore they are seen to inhibit the access (to up to 50 per cent of waterways in the metropolis) of government dredging equipment, which is used to clean the waterways of garbage, and it is believed that

“some  of  the  early  warning  systems  along  the  floodway  have  been  destroyed  …  by   the   residents”   (N7).     With   this   widespread   belief,   according   to   the Metro Manila Development Agency (MMDA) (N7),  the  removal  of  ISFs  is  “the  first  order  of  the   day…because  even  the  initiatives of constructing a sluice, dredging etc. will not push through  100  per  cent  if  the  settlers  and  their  structures  [remain]”.    In  Quezon  City,  the   Mayor  has  created  a  Task  Force  Waterways  to  “clear  and  make  safe  the  waterways  of   the  city”  with  the  recognition  that  “the  problem  of  the  city’s  creeks  and  riverways  do   not consist only of siltation, garbage and eroded embankments, they also involve informal   settlers   …   All   these   constrict   water   flows…   [And   thus]   the   taskforce   coordinates engineering works with resettlement   strategies”   (LGQC, 2011, p. 46).

One of their initiatives is to create linear parks along waterways to among other reasons,  “prevent  and  /or  quickly  detect  illegal  encroachments”  (LGQC, 2011, p. 50).

As such the government has identified approximately 26,974 families to relocate from waterways (C4).

Notwithstanding the significant attention paid to informal settlements, interviews particularly with academe highlight that this view can be erroneous and that informal settlements   are   not   necessarily   the   key   cause   of   flooding.     Varona   (L15)  states  “At   first [the government] was blaming the urban poor for living along the rivers, but the findings show that it is not their fault. The cause of flooding is the unnatural volume of  water  coming  down  from  the  mountains”.    This  is  affirmed  by  David  (L16)  at  the   University of the Philippines National Institute of Geological Sciences (UP-NIGS) who  says,  “We  did  a  computation  and  it  revealed  that  it  was  simply  the  amount of rain,  which  caused  the  flooding  [during  TS  Ondoy].    No  deforestation,  no  mining  …   For  such  a  big  flood  like  Ketsana  [Ondoy,  the  urban  poor]  didn’t  have  any  effect  on   increasing the floods – or   at   least   it   is   very   minimal”.     He   adds   this   is   “harder   for people  to  accept  because  there  is  no  one  to  blame  for  the  flooding”.    In  short  with  or   without houses on the riverbanks, the river would have received that much flooding.

Nevertheless  he  concedes  it  is  “the  smaller  rivers  that  enter  into  the  main  river  …  that   are  exacerbated  by  garbage,  informal  settlements  etc.”  (L16)    Peralta  (N13)  from  the Philippine Atmospheric, Geophysical and Astronomical Services Administration (PAGASA) clarifies that although informal settlements did not cause the flooding, materials from their housing were washed away by the floodwaters into channels.

These caused blockages for example at bridges and subsequently led to flash floods during TS Ondoy when the build up of water behind them finally caused their release.

Therefore ISFs can marginally exacerbate flooding, but are not primary causes.

Furthermore interviews reveal informal settlers are not the only ones to encroach on

‘danger   areas’   along   waterways.     Poor   land   use   planning   and   weak   adherence   to  

Comprehensive Land Use Plans (CLUPs) also allow formal settlements and developments to be constructed in these areas and these are arguably most difficult to remove (C1; L13; NEDA, 2011c, p. 313).       As   Perez   (L13)   states,   “In   the   science   community  we’ve  found  out  that  it’s  not  only  the  poor  who  encroach  on  the  rivers  or   waterways.     It’s   also big   buildings”.     Thus   “formal   and   sometimes   informal   settlements”   create   choke   points,   which   decrease   river   channel   capacities   and   constrict the flow of water (L11; Narisma, 2012). Perhaps the reason why informal settlements receive such attention is because they are an easier target for government;

Lansang (C3) from the Department of Public Order and Safety (DPOS) at Quezon City  Hall  agrees  that  “it’s  easy  for  informal  settlers,  we  can  look  for  safe  places  and   relocate  them  there”  but  for  wealthier  and  more  prominent  people  it  is  harder  because   they cannot be forced to move, therefore they are just informed about the potential hazards in the area where they are living.

The focus on informal settlements in danger areas, namely along waterways, inevitably leads to an unbalanced tendency to focus on the resettlement of informal settlers from danger areas as a solution to flooding in Metro Manila. Certainly the view is not unfounded or completely erroneous, but the government may be better to look at resettlement more as a form of reducing vulnerability to climate-related disasters and of building the adaptive capacities of the urban poor, rather than as a solution to flooding per se. Indeed there are many more development issues to tackle, which contribute to extreme and flash flood events. Such issues mentioned through fieldwork interviews are highlighted here. First is uncontrolled urban growth leading to large urban populations and high urban population densities. This contributes to the concretization of ground surfaces that reduces permeability and the covering over of original small waterways in the metropolis. It also contributes to inadequate or sub-standard housing that lead people to live in high-risk locations. (C3; Narisma, 2012; NEDA, 2011c, p. 313) Second, flooding is aggravated by an inefficient

drainage system. In Metro Manila the drainage system was built before Metro Manila became the metropolis it is today and therefore is in need of an overhaul.

Also its drains have been blocked by ash left from the Mt. Pinatubo eruption, and extra pressure is being exerted on the system by the boom in high-rise building construction (L13; N7). Third, is the high volume of rubbish that consequentially clogs   Metro   Manila’s   waterways.     This   stems   from   poor   solid   waste   management,   improper waste disposal and waste washed down from landfills during floods (N7;

N13; C1; C3). Fourth, inefficient or ineffective warning systems contribute to flooding. This is currently being addressed through the government agency PAGASA with the installation of automated weather stations to relay information quickly to PAGASA who can then disseminate it to local risk areas, but up until now it has not been a major problem. Fifthly, deforestation and mining upstream in the watershed reduces forest cover and thus reduces the absorption and quicken the release of rainwater into river systems that flow through cities (L11; B3; B4).

Meanwhile local sea level rise, which is a combination of sea level rise and land subsidence, prevents or reduces the exit of water during flood events (L11). Sixth, according to David (L16) at UP-NIGS the construction of canals in Metro Manila follow the   land’s   topography,   which   means   they   rise   and   fall   with   the   land,   thus   creating natural low points prone to flooding. Lastly, increased siltation of waterways, for example the shallowing of up to 3m of the Manggahan Floodway⁵³, reduces the capacities of channels during flood events and enhances the likelihood of them spilling their banks (Narisma, 2012); C3).

Although recently climate change is a buzzword and often the attributed cause of more extreme climate-related disasters in the Philippines, the science community is careful not to connect increased frequency and intensity of flooding to climate change immediately (L13). Nevertheless climate change is certainly seen to exacerbate the

53 The Manggahan Floodway is designed to divert the flow of water and excess stormwater from the Marikina River into Laguna Lake. The remaining water is drained to Manila Bay through the Pasig River (N7; (Tachikawa, James, Abdullah, & Desa, 2004).

above factors that contribute to flooding (NEDA, 2011c). Therefore actions that address these development issues – although not explicitly climate change adaptation – are in fact some of the more basic and fundamental actions that are needed in the Philippines because they can potentially lessen vulnerabilities and exposure in cities and thus reduce risk and contribute to the adaptation process. These include watershed management, proper drainage and waste management services, flood management, effective early warning systems, and housing provision in safe locations among others. This concept reflects the discussion under Section 4.6 in the theoretical framework  chapter  about  ‘adaptation  as development’.    As  Perez  (L13)  states,  “When   we  look  at  climate  change  we  say  …  it’s  also  a  developmental  issue.  So  when  you   attempt at this in fact you’re  also  doing  some  work  on  climate  change”.