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5.7 ESTRATEGIA
5.7.1 MEDIOS A UTILIZAR EN LA CAMPAÑA DE PUBLICIDAD
As mentioned in Sub-section 2.7.2, the three case study settlement development organizations selected for the case study are: (1) Gawad Kalinga, (2) Homeless People’s Federation of the Philippines, Inc. (HPFPI), and (3) TAO-Pilipinas.
Although some of them partner with government (especially GK), all are non-governmental organizations that arguably pursue more community-based, participatory settlement development approaches that are akin to CBA principles.
This section outlines their individual approaches to settlement development among the urban poor in Metro Manila to provide a foundational understanding upon which the practice of CBA is evaluated in Chapter 7.
6.1.1 Case 1 – Gawad Kalinga
Gawad Kalinga Community Development Foundation, more commonly known as Gawad Kalinga or GK, is a non-governmental and membership-based organization that is based in the Philippines and its name translates in Filipino as ‘to give care’.
Gawad Kalinga’s main goal is nation building through poverty alleviation, and it originated from the work of Couples for Christ (CFC) a faith-based development organization that had approximately 10-15 years development experience in the Philippines before Gawad Kalinga was created. GK has multiple programmes including social enterprise, child and youth development (i.e. education), health,
environment, and food sufficiency, but they first started their work with social (trans)formation and shelter improvement through teaching biblical principles and in-situ upgrading through volunteerism. The concept of building new houses, which was subsequently introduced, is represented by their Community Infrastructure Program (CIP). GK’s first home was built in 1999 in Metro Manila and as of 2008, GK has built 1,700 villages and approximately 30,000 homes in both urban and rural areas of the Philippines.
Gawad Kalinga represents a settlement development organization that is well established and has been highly successful in accomplishing resettlement and slum-upgrading among poor communities in the Philippines. So much so that the government has recognized its housing development model as a reliable and replicable approach that they can partner to address the housing needs of the urban poor nationwide. Up until now GK has partnered with over 150 mayors and other institutions including Harvard, Yale and UCLA Public Health. (GK, 2011) In fact one of the case study communities of GK, Sitio Pajo, was recently developed in partnership with Quezon City government. In the case of Sitio Pajo, the government developed the site by building roads, upgrading bridges, and providing key service infrastructure, meanwhile GK organized the community and designed and financed (through benefactors) the construction of housing and community buildings. There is also talk about GK partnering with national government in order to facilitate the process of resettling ISFs from danger areas within Metro Manila, as part of the President’s 5-year Resettlement Programme (N6; as discussed in Chapter 5).
Gawad Kalinga’s model for building houses is based on the premise that: (1) GK will organize the community through an initiative called ‘Values Formation’ and will finance the housing with funding from both local and overseas benefactors, meanwhile (2) the community will provide the sweat equity and united commitment to build the houses and (3) the government or another actor will provide the land,
which can either be donated or purchased by the community under the Community Mortgage Program (CMP)60. Typically the community organization and house building is completed within 2-5 years. To carry this out, GK depends significantly upon the volunteerism of professional architects and engineers among others to provide design input to their CIP, meanwhile it has city and area coordinators who are employed for the overall supervision and implementation of its CIP projects. In regards to the environment, GK has commenced an initiative called ‘Green Kalinga’
which aims to sensitise GK’s work to the environment, and includes an awareness of climate change and seeking to incorporate mitigation and adaptation strategies into its settlement development or CIP programmes. Overall, although GK’s work is embedded with poor communities their model is quite top-down and less community-led compared to other grassroots initiatives. Thus GK may be likened to a parent to the poor communities that invite it to partner with them; at first it starts off with quite a strong directional role, but over time it gradually loosens the control as the community matures and takes on responsibility.
6.1.2 Case 2 – Homeless People’s Federation of the Philippines, Inc.
The second case study organization is The Homeless People’s Federation of the Philippines, Inc. (HPFPI). HPFPI is not an NGO itself, but a “national federation of urban poor community and homeowners’ associations which self organize, develop, and initiate secure tenure thrusts through community savings” (Rayos Co, 2006). It is the only affiliate of SDI in the Philippines and receives technical support from the NGO ‘Philippine Action for Community-led Shelter Initiatives, Inc.’ (PACSII)61 and general support from its NGO partner the ‘Vincentian Missionaries Social Development Foundation, Inc.’ (VMSDFI);; together they form the Philippine Alliance, which is based in Quezon City (Ibid.; VMSDFI, 2001). The Philippine
60 For a brief explanation of the National Government’s Community Mortgage Program (CMP) refer to the Glossary.
61 PACSII grew out of the ‘Vincentian Missionaries Social Development Foundation, Inc.’ in 1992. This church-based organisation supported the first community savings groups in an area called Payatas in Quezon City. “These groups, in other words HPFPI, have since encouraged and assisted groups in other parts of the city and country to mobilise around issues of land and housing.“ (HI, 2011)
Alliance is active in 33 cities across the Philippines and incorporates over 85,000 people in 200 communities, yet autonomy still remains with the individual associations (ACHR, 2011; HI, 2011).
According to Homeless International it assists “the most vulnerable groups within the population of the urban poor, for example, communities living in high-risk conditions on land susceptible to natural and man-made disasters or those under the threat of eviction” (HI, 2011). Consequently, HPFPI is made up of communities that live in precarious environments and experience disasters such as floods and landslides. One of HPFPI’s first involvements in housing was in 1997-1998 when one of its groups – the Payatas Scavengers Homeowners Association – “decided to directly purchase their own land” in Montalban in order to provide safe housing for their families who were living on and around Payatas Waste Dump Site in Quezon City (Teodoro &
Rayos Co, 2009, p. 426). This decision to relocate was emphasized in 2000 by the Payatas Trashslide tragedy in which 270 people were killed (Teodoro & Rayos Co, 2009). This is discussed further under PSHAI, one of the HPFPI case study communities (see Section 6.2).
HPFPI’s community-led development process involves “land acquisition, community upgrading and house construction, disaster management and partnership with local governments”, and its core strategy to achieve these is through community-managed savings (ACHR, 2011). These savings can be in the form of a revolving community fund and are seen as a means to build “the financial capability of communities to invest in their own development” and act “as disaster mitigation / preparedness tools”
(Teodoro & Rayos Co, 2009, p. 422 and 436; VMSDFI, 2001). A main reason for HPFPI’s increasing incorporation and documentation of community-driven DRR and DRM strategies has stemmed from the Philippines susceptibility to climate shocks.
As Carcellar and others state, “The successive onslaught of disasters in recent years has highlighted the multiple vulnerabilities of poor communities in times of natural or
even human-induced calamities”, yet these have also “brought out the inherent strength of communities to … create local learning [from their experience], which can be used in designing community-driven DRR interventions” (2011, p. 368). In short the way that HPFPI through the Philippine Alliance addresses the vulnerabilities of poor communities “fuels and sustains the community-driven initiatives in disaster response and risk reduction” (Ibid.)
One key difference between GK and HPFPI, is that the latter does not provide housing for free to its Federation members. Rather it provides the paralegal training, housing design support and financing mechanisms through which its members can organize their own settlement development, be that through on-site upgrading or relocation, in a more community-based approach. This means that the process of house construction is typically more incremental over a longer-time period and also housing designs are more varied, as often although the community buys the land corporately individual families are in charge of building their homes. One particular financing mechanism that HPFPI make use of is CLIFF (see Sub-section 5.2.2). This facility aims to provide sustainable and affordable loans to communities and its members for site upgrading and house construction, among other things. (HI, 2013;
Morris & Malcolm, 2007)
6.1.3 Case 3 – TAO-Pilipinas
TAO-Pilipinas is the third case study organization of this research. It is younger than GK and HPFPI and was founded by Arlene Christy and Faith Varona – two Filipina architects – in 2000. Also based in Quezon City in Metro Manila, TAO-Pilipinas is a Technical Assistance NGO, which uses expertise in architecture, planning and engineering as a basis to improve the housing of the urban poor through community-based design solutions and training. It partners with SELAVIP (a Belgium-founded housing fund for the urban poor, which operates out of Chile); MISEREOR (a German development agency, which focuses on fighting poverty); and ACHR (a
regional network of actors involved in urban poor development) to achieve its goal to support the urban poor and young professionals in achieving sustainable human settlement development (TAO-Pilipinas, 2013d). At the centre of TAO-Pilipinas’
work are four core programmes: human settlements and environment; education and training both for urban poor organizations and young professionals in architecture, planning and engineering; research and publications principally on the topic of sustainable human settlement development; and organization, networking and advocacy (TAO-Pilipinas, 2013b). Of primary interest to this research is therefore their programme on human settlements and environment, which not only provides technical support to urban poor organizations, LGUs and NGOs in human settlement development planning, development and management, but also encourages community-based management processes and engages with government at the barangay level in the implementation of community-based projects (Ibid.). TAO-Pilipinas’ “first official involvement was with informal settlements affected by the Pasig River Rehabilitation Program in Metro Manila” during which they facilitated
“the approval of an on-site community development plan”. This plan was a significant victory “against the medium-rise housing proposal by NHA” and subsequently “other groups along the Pasig River and in other areas of Metro Manila”
began to request “assistance from TAO-Pilipinas”. (TAO-Pilipinas, 2013c)
In line with this experience, TAO-Pilipinas continues to prioritise in-situ development before looking at resettlement options. Similar to HPFPI yet dissimilar to GK, TAO-Pilipinas does not provide housing for free. More often than not they simply provide technical assistance on housing and site development issues within the framework of a funded government or NGO settlement or development programme. In the case where they are the main actor working with an urban poor community, such as with Masagana (one of this case study’s communities) they often work as a channel through which funding for land, infrastructure or housing can be accessed and
provide training and assistance on paralegal land issues, land selection, savings, and housing and site design. Therefore, like HPFPI, settlement development that TAO-Pilipinas is involved in tends to be community-led and more incremental in implementation than what is experienced with GK.