(He) ascended climbing hand over hand and looked out over the top. Then the eel and the shrimp
followed, leading the water that flows from springs. 99 Then (he) found the golden cord which tied
together the earth and the land, and the sun and the moon. (He) climbed up the ladder of the cord, and
followed upward the steps of the chain, up to the place where the sun rises, up the sloping path of the sun, and followed the sun along its steep road as it climbed upward. To where the kite flies,
121
129
137
149
and the crow dances backwards on the wind. Up
to the hanging windscreen (source of winds?) where the cicadas flitter about; up into the blue-black void, to where the clouds roll.
Then (he) paused to think and imagine, thought about the tops of the areca palms; raised up the sheath of the unfolding areca fronds and picked the nuts as (he) descended, as the moon and sun descend; and took up the nuts (?) as when the earth and land arise.
Then (he) paused to think and imagine. (He)
sat and chiselled out the mortices and tenons to construct the clan house; he stood and planted
the visiters' pavilion. Built the great clan house
with its ritually cooled sitting area and the pavilion which is ritually cooled by the water of
coconut. (He; constructed the house ladder, and
connected the rooms of the house; also the walls, which must be sprinkled with coconut water.
Then (he) paused to think and imagine. (He) cut
down the trees around the perimeter of a small garden site, and felled the forest, laying down the
chopped wood athwart the garden's slope. But as
the trees were chopped they cried out in pain, and
the vines of the forest wept when cut. So (he)
returned home to consider what to do. (He) tore
the ceremonial patola cloth and (he) scattered rice to propitiate the forest, so that the trees would not cry out and the vines would not weep when cut.
Then Siang, 'Hand of Fire', who knows the making of fire was called; and Gega who knows how to chant
163
175
drill. He came and shredded the husk of the
coconut to use as tinder. Then he rubbed his
bamboo fire drill until the first wisps of smoke
appeared. The lower half of the garden was set
afire, and the upper half of the garden set ablaze. The fire scorched the tree trunks and blackened
the brush in the garden. The ashes from the fire
rose up like white cockatoos, and on the fire blackened tree stumps crows came and perched.
Then the white seed grain and the red fruit seeds were scattered in the garden, the grain in the lower half and the fruit in the upper half. In the lower half of the garden grew the Java almonds (Canarium commune) ; in the upper half grew
the coconuts. Even though the garden was small it
should have yielded stupendously, and from the
young lontars should have flowed much sap. The
harvest would fill great baskets, and the lontar
sap fill huge bamboo tubes. The harvest would be
consumed, but there would remain much surplus to be traded for gold and gongs, elephant tusks and patola cloths.
(The crops planted in the gardens failed because
the earth and the land were too hot. Hot with the
heat which causes illness and is dangerous to men.)
Then (he) paused to think and imagine. (He) was
fearful and (his) legs and hands trembled; (he) was hungry and (his) knees collapsed from under
(him). (He) could not sit without becoming feverish.
This was because the earth and the land lay too near
the sun and the moon. So the woman was called to
cut the umbilical cord by which the earth and the sky were connected; and the man was summoned to untie the knots and hooks which bound the earth and
land to the sun and moon. The woman named Dong Letu and the man called Laga Baleng did these tasks, and when the cord was cut and the knots untied, the sun and the moon rose upwards and the
earth and the land sank downwards. Thus the earth became cool like the water of the coconut.
201 Then came the men of sukun Ipir, the first clan to inhabit Tana A i . They came chanting their kahe, their ritual boasts, 'I am Ipir, the great tree; I am Sodor, the mountains and the hills'. They founded the ceremonial domain of Wai Brama at the place called Wolobola; they became the rulers at Balenatar. They came and brought with them the history of the earth and the land, and they brought also knowledge of the rules and laws of the sun and moon. They knew of the seven layers of the earth and land, and they knew of the sun and moon's eight levels, that below lay the base pillars and the foundation of the world. (They understood) that below lay the iron of the earth's hardness and below the source of power. That on these the earth and land were founded.
In this myth of the origins of the world is a refer ence (lines 99ff.) to the golden cord which connected the
3
earth and firmament. Later (lines 179-200) the myth
relates the cutting of this cord to separate the earth from the firmament. This is one of many incidents embedded in the text but not elaborated by the chanter. I shall refer to it as the Myth of the Separation.
The Myth of the Separation follows the time when the world was a formless sea. From the mud at the bottom of the sea were formed islands, and on one of them the mountains and river valleys of Tana Ai were raised. At that time, according to an exegesis of the myth by another ritual specialist:
Men and women did not know the way of husbands and wives. Women did not yet give birth to children, nor did men cradle babies in their arms. Human beings just rose up on the land in the manner of the ancestors who were belched forth from the bowels of the earth. But there was no difference between men and women because sex was not known.
At that time the earth was small and the people were too many. It was very crowded and becoming more so because people did not die. There was then no death.
At that time also the heavens and the earth were connected by cords and knots, the sun lay close to the land, and the heat of the sun was unrelenting. People could neither stand upright nor sit down because of the heat (cf. Appendix D, lines 181-182). So the ancestors Endosi and Pandoma decided to make war on the sun, to try to shoot out his eyes so that the land would cool. But the ancestors Igor and Engar refused, saying:
II
Lopo nuhu Nian Tana Don't make war on the Sky and the Earth,
Lopo kata Lero Wulan Don't fight the Sun and the Moon." So instead the ancestors:
"Dopo Dong Letu inan Hawong Laga Baleng aman Boro Nian Tana puhen
Summoned Dong Letu's mother, Called forth Laga Baleng's father, To cut the umbilical cord of the
Bohak Lero Wulan oha' Nian bejo reta bawo Tana nene wau b a 1u Lean towa jok Lero Alu alu sudar wulan Wulan wali buluk na Lero reta gahar bawo Blatan wair sina mitan
5
Ro kabor bali bura Nian inga Tana ponga Lero reta Wulan gahar
But once the heavens
To untangle the knots of the Sun and M o o n ,
So the Sky floated upwards,
4
And the Earth sank downwards, From a bamboo drying-pole the Sun
hung suspended,
And rice pestles supported the Moon, The Moon travelled closely behind, As the Sun climbed high above, The Earth was cool as the water of
the Black Chinese,
And the dew of the white coconut of Bali,
The Sky was light, and the Earth dark and enclosed,
The Sun above, the Moon distant."
and the earth were separated:
"Ora Nian Tana nuhu Ora Lero Wulan kata Pati ora Wulan bao Oba ora Lero matan Bao ha papa rape Matan ha papa lewek
The Earth and the Sky made w a r , The Sun and the Moon fought,
The Moon's fruit trees were beaten, The Sun's eyes were jabbed
a t ,
Half the Moon's fruits dropped from its trees,
And one of the Sun's eyes rolled away."
Thus the sun lost an eye and half its heat and the moon lost half its light (and must go through phases). The earth was cooled sufficiently for humans to live comfortably on its face.
The primeval universe was a unified one composed of the earth, the domain of human beings who neither died nor
were differentiated by sex, and the firmament, the domain of the deity. Then, by the events recounted in the Myth of the Separation, the unity of the world was split. In the histories the cutting of the cords and knots, which separated the earth and the firmament, and the warfare between the sun and the moon, which had previously been joined, had two important consequences. First, human beings began to die, which brought about the division of humanity between the living and the ancestors; and second, humans no longer came into being by being "belched forth from the earth" but had to be borne by women.
The Myths of the Creation and Separation are about the division of the world into realms of the divine and the domestic and the classification of things in the
world, including human beings, as male or female. For the Ata Tana Wai Brama, the myths are histories and in their histories are encoded the fundamental tenets on which is based the social order of their community. Once Tana Ai was created, and its realms demarcated, the inhabitation of the land by the clans is recounted in the n g e n g n g e r a n g,
the histories of the clans. Together, the n g e n g n g e r a n g
comprise the Myth of the Founding of the Domain of Tana Wai Brama.
3.3 The Myth of the Founding of the Domain
The domains of Tana Ai are territories whose inhabi tants are divided among clans associated with each domain.
Relationships between the clans of the domain are based first on the system of responsibilities which the clans share in performing the rituals of the domain and second, in the alliances created by marriages between their
component houses. Each ta n a is associated in myth
with a number of clans whose members conduct the rituals of their locality under the overall authority of the
t a n a p u a n. While each domain is inhabited primarily by members of a number of core clans, there are also present in each of them people of other clans who have migrated to the ta n a and obtained land there.
In myth the Ata Tana Ai speak of "sukun pulu wot lima", the "ten clans plus five", that constitute
the society of Tana Ai. There are actually by my count twenty clans represented in the valley, although two of these are found also in East Flores and may not be "native" to Tana A i . My information regarding the clans that
are counted as "core" clans of the seven domains is incomplete, but those that are known are as follows:
Tana Wai B rama: sukun Ipir
sukun Tapo sukun Mau sukun Liwu sukun Mage Tana Werang: sukun Watu sukun Iri
sukun Lewuk sukun Lewar Tana Uru: sukun Goban sukun Rawa
sukun Dewa sukun Tukan
In other domains of Tana Ai are s u k u n Hebing and s u k u n
"central") at the southern end of the valley and in the area around Pruda: sukun Onan, sukun Uran and sukun Rotan. There were no members of these clans living in the north ern part of Tana Wai Brama during the period of fieldwork, and I have been unable to determine their status in the domain.
Among the clans of Tana Ai there are two whose members live mostly in what is now the regency of Flores Timur (Larantuka). These are sukun Boruk and sukun Hewat. Opinions are divided on the matter, but most ritual special ists agree that these two clans are counted among the ten plus five clans of Tana Ai. Ata Boruk are reported to
inhabit a region of Larantuka called Tana Boruk, which in cludes the area around Wodong and may extend as far as Watubuku on the south coast of Flores Timur.6 To the west of the dividing range of H i Wukoh members of sukun Boruk live primarily near the south coast and east of Pruda. The people of Tana Ai have regular communication with the people of western Larantuka, travelling there during the dry
season to trade for t u a (lontar gin) and textiles and to
7
attend the Tuesday market at the village of Boru. There have been a few marriages between Ata Tana Ai and people of western Larantuka. These marriages have been most frequent between houses closely related to the Source of
Q
Of the "fifteen" clans of Tana A i , sukun Ipir is the central clan, and the only one not paired with another in ritual chants. This peculiarity is accounted for in the origin myth, in which Ipir is the first clan to arrive in Tana Ai. Ipir has responsibilities not shared by other clans that are founded in this precedence and are princi pally related to the mahe ceremonies. Thus there are in Tana Ai, according to the "histories", seven pairs of clans and the central clan Ipir Wai Brama, whose ancestors settled in Tana Wai Brama. In Tana Wai Brama itself there are five clans, Ipir Wai Brama plus four subsidiary clans.
The chanters of the "histories" agree that "in the beginning" ("inuhung nulung"), all human beings were of
one sukun . Then lang Bangu Adang Ewang, the first humans,
divided men into different sukun, and the Ata Tana Ai were divided into ten clans and five. Contemporary practices of returning the "father's forelock" (ama ’lo'en) to the paternal clan in cases of inter-clan marriage is seen as perpetuating this primeval division of men. One chanter told me that all men are the 'lo'en ("forelock") of lang Bangu, but "we Ata Tana Ai were divided at the beginning".
The actual place of origin of the ancestors of sukun
Ipir, who first made the epic journey to Tana A i , is not specified in the clan history. The narrative begins with the people of Ipir already on Flores. While the first lines of the history tell us that the people of Ipir "arose (literally: 'broke forth from the earth') at
Mekengdetung and bubbled up (as a spring) at Woloarung" in Tana Krowe, some informants say that the history of the clan goes back to a time when the ancestors lived on
another island which is not mentioned in the myths. The history of sukun Ipir, the journey of its
ancestors, the "finding of land" in Tana Ai and the founding of the mah£ of Tana Wai Brama, is recounted in ritual
language. The history of Ipir constitutes the Myth of the Founding of the Domain of Tana Wai Brama. In the histories of other clans are references to the allocation of terri tories and ritual duties to people who arrived in Tana Ai after s u k u n Ipir. These narratives legitimate the prece dence of s u k u n Ipir and its claim to central ritual author
ity over the land.
The chronicles that recount the founding of the
domain of Tana Wai Brama are called n g e n g n g e r a n g t o t a n i a n p a g a tana. An examination of this phrase and the class of narratives it denotes will demarcate a number of fundamental
ideas that underlie the relations of the Ata Tana Ai to the land they inhabit and the expression of those relations in ritual language, ritual and the physical environment they have created.
The root of the word n g e n g is n g e, which means "to
grow", "to become larger", "to advance", "to make headway". The phrase n g e n o r a n in ordinary speech means "to happen",
"to occur", "to come about", "to come to pass". N g e n g ,
root n g e, means "people" in the sense of a "race" or "tribe", "nation", "generation", "family", that is, people who share a common origin and descent. N g e r a n g
means "to disperse", "to spread", "to scatter", "to go out of". N g e n g n g e r a n g , then, may be glossed as "spread of the people", the journeys by which the ancestors of the present day Ata Tana Ai came, from different origins, to settle in Tana Ai and to create Tana Ai society. But the phrase, as used in ritual speech, has also connotations of genealogy, the history of the generations between the
ancestors and the living Ata Tana A i . The people who are spoken of as being one people, the Ata Tana A i , who are related by n g e n g n g e r a n g are actually of many clans, each
clan thought to have a differenc origin, and the n g e n g
n g e r a n g recount how these people of different origins came
to share the same tana, earth or domain. The phrase thus refers both to the histories of the clans and the history of all the people of Tana Ai.