EN LOS PADRES DE LA IGLESIA
PATRICIO DE NAVASCUÉS
3. E L CASO DE P AULINO DE T IRO
Given the location of the case study, Tasmania, the Australian origin of environmental politics, the tentative view was taken Tasmanian Greens members would make ideal subjects to enable an in-depth investigation of environmental citizenship in practice. In order to test this tentative view, a threshold examination was undertaken to determine whether the proposed target population does indeed consist of environmental citizens. This examination, based on Jagers & Matti’s (2010) first, macro-level, survey stage (see Chapter Five, 5.3.2) tests for the existence of
environmental citizens on the basis of their universal values orientation. A universal value orientation does not ‘make any sharp distinctions between members of the in- group’, that is, ‘people with whom one is in frequent personal contact’ and ‘out-groups when developing criteria for welfare distribution’ (p. 1066). Such a value orientation correlates closely with the ‘morality and non-territoriality of the post-cosmopolitan ecological citizen’ (p. 1066).
Jagers & Matti (2010) go on to identify a more specific value orientation, ‘non- territorial altruism and the primacy of social justice’ (p. 1066), as signifying ecological citizenship. However, as outlined in this thesis’ working definition – acting on a
commitment to ensuring an ecologically sustainable society – which is based on a
thorough examination of the theory, ecologically rather than social justice-oriented non-territorial values would seem to more accurately reflect the normative content of environmental citizenship theory. While redressing the global imbalance of ecological footprints necessarily has social justice implications, the overarching aim of
environmental citizenship theory is to reduce the impact of humanity on the earth, while at the same time reducing global inequality among humans (Dobson 2003). The representation adopted here of values signified by environmental citizenship, then, is the universal value-orientation of non-territorial altruism aimed at reducing
environmental harm, which still includes an orientation towards social justice, as
altruism means seeking the welfare of others (Macquarie Dictionary 1997, p. 54). The Tasmanian Greens’ Charter (see Appendix Two) was evaluated in the light of the values orientation outlined above. New Green members are required to sign a statement to the effect that they agree with the tenets of the Greens’ Charter, which appears on the membership form. There can be no clearer indication of the values which Greens hold and seek to implement through the party’s political activities. Through the Charter the Greens commit to working towards: reducing the impact of human activities on biodiversity and ecological systems; reducing dependence on
non-renewable resources; ensuring global peace and ecological sustainability; and safeguarding ‘the planet's ecological resources on behalf of future generations’.
The charter clearly expresses a universal, other-oriented, altruistic value orientation; it clearly represents non-territorial altruism aimed at reducing environmental harm. The case study is therefore justified on this basis to use Tasmanian Greens members as its target population. In addition The Tasmanian Greens’ climate change policy was examined (see Appendix Two) as climate change is an ideal context in which to demonstrate the operation of environmental citizenship; it would also be an ideal context in which to implement the Charter’s environmental, social and economic principles. The policy asserts the scientific fact of climate change and that a significant proportion of it is human-induced. Without actually using the word ‘responsibility’ it goes on to outline measures by which Tasmania can contribute to the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions, and also mentions taking in people from elsewhere displaced by climate change. It is therefore consistent with the
responsibility-based approach to environmental citizenship adopted by most theorists, and this thesis. As noted in section 6.2.2, though, it does not mention the responsibility of individuals; the case study goes on to examine whether this aspect of environmental citizenship does in fact exist among Greens members.
By focusing on a group of people identified as environmental citizens using the process outlined above the case study in effect asks the question: if environmental citizenship is not a present and relevant factor in these citizens’ lives, then where would it be relevant? This is similar to the approach taken by Jagers & Matti (2010) in their broad study of Swedish citizens: given the known environmental consciousness among Swedes, if environmental citizenship is not present among them, then where would it exist?
However, a more positive and important reason for choosing a group of ‘already existing’ environmental citizens for the case study is that it allows the
immediate examination of environmental citizenship in a real-life context, to continue the interrogation of the theoretical issues commenced in Chapter Five. The fact that this group is considered to consist of environmental citizens does not necessarily mean that the results – what they do, their attitudes and values, must be applicable to all environmental citizens. As an exploratory case study its findings do not necessarily have to be generalisable (Gerring 2004). Environmental citizenship is a broad concept, and the point of the empirical study is not to confine it to certain ways of being, but, through examining how a group of environmental citizens behave and think on certain issues, to make observations about, and hopefully refine, the theory.