E L SACRAMENTO DE LA P ENITENCIA COMO REALIDAD ANTROPOLÓGICA

Much of the environmental citizenship analysis has been at an abstract theoretical level (Smith 2004). Dobson comments on the need to analyse actual practices and contexts of citizens’ behaviour and activity: ‘[c]itizenships are not created ex nihilo; they are rooted in particular times, places and experiences’ (2000, p 57). Until very recently there has been a lack of empirical work on environmental citizenship, with notable exceptions being Horton (2006), Nash and Lewis (2006) and Seyfang (2006), with recent contributions such as Jagers (2009) and Wolf, Brown & Conway (2009). There are numerous other empirical studies which could be related to aspects of environmental citizenship but which do not use it as a theoretical framework, for example Evans & Abrahamse (2009). There is a paucity of empirical studies of environmental citizenship in Australia, as discussed Chapter One. One of the aims of this thesis is to add to this empirical work by looking at the environmental citizenship practice of one segment of the Australian population (see Chapter Six).

From a theoretical perspective, the issue of how environmental citizenship manifests in practice encompasses all of the issues discussed so far. For example, does it consist only of practices aimed at reducing one’s ecological footprint, or

contributing to maintenance of local natural and human communities? Or must it be much broader, requiring political activity to bring about the kinds of structural

economic, political and social changes needed for a truly sustainable society, that is: is it transformative, or palliative?

Here the question comes back to the purpose of environmental citizenship. If it is a purely instrumental concept, to be used by policy-makers to encourage

sustainable lifestyles, perhaps the theory has already achieved its aim, as governments and NGOs exhort citizens to do their bit for the environment by installing insulation or solar panels, or using public transport. At the same time, however, as Jackson (2009) and others point out, and as discussed in Chapter Four, the structural reliance of liberal democracies on economic growth and consumerism, shows up the futility, if not the hypocrisy, of such programs. It seems clear that while lifestyle adjustments are an important aspect of environmental citizenship, they are only one, and that much more is involved. Perhaps the key lies in Dobson and Bell’s (2006b) contention that environmental citizenship involves a change in attitude, not

just behaviour – that is, internalising environmental sustainability, being mindful of one’s ecological footprint, not just responding to exhortations to live sustainably, which become just one more demand on busy lives. This could, perhaps should, involve or at least lead to increased community and political involvement as well as changed life practices: that is, Barry’s (2006) continuum from environmental to sustainable citizenship.

4.9 Conclusion

4.9.1 Conclusion to Chapter Four

At the end of this survey of environmental citizenship theory it is apt to conclude, as the chapter commenced, that there is no one environmental citizenship, as theorists have different perspectives and the theory remains unsettled. The only commonality among the variants of the theory is that they all deal with the relationship between citizens and environmental harm. The central disputes among and issues raised by theorists surround the instrumental nature of the work of much of the recent theory, whether responsibility-based environmental citizenship takes place within ‘political space’ and therefore whether it is truly citizenship, and whether the extension of citizenship duties to the actions of individuals and households has the effect of depoliticising environmental action.

Having analysed the various criticisms and arguments of theorists, this thesis leans towards the instrumental, indeed normative, theory advocated by Andrew Dobson, with the caveat that some aspects of it are incomplete and will be further addressed by this thesis. It also finds much in common between the work of Dobson and John Barry, at the macro level, that is that environmental citizenship is an essentially active, responsibility- rather than rights-based citizenship, whereby individual citizens act on their environmental concerns and commitment to an ecologically sustainable society. Dobson’s (2003) radical notion of the responsibility of citizens of wealthy industrialised countries to reduce their ecological footprints is a particularly relevant and convincing theoretical response to global environmental and social harm like climate change, while Barry’s (2006) notion of the continuum from environmental to green or critical citizenship is a useful metaphor which will be incorporated into the thesis’ analysis.

At the end of the theoretical analysis, the chapter presented a working definition of environmental citizenship to be used to guide the thesis’ empirical work (see section 4.7).

4.9.2 Conclusion to background and theoretical literature analysis Through the analytical framework used so far in the thesis, the following

understanding of the relationship between individualism, consumerism and climate change has emerged:

• _{the rise of individualism and neo-liberal politics is arguably associated with}

the loss of civic engagement by individuals, and clearly with the increasing importance of consumption politically, economically and socially;

• _{rising consumption levels in the West are directly implicated with climate}

change;

• _{the international policy response to Western over-consumption, ‘mainstream’}

sustainable consumption policy, has been inadequate to redress rising consumption levels and associated greenhouse gas emissions;

• _{liberal-democratic governments, particularly those with short election cycles}

and/or fossil fuel dependent economies, have been reluctant to introduce climate change measures that could be perceived of as negatively affecting individuals and households;

• _{there has instead a focus by governments, and many NGOs, on voluntaristic,}

consumption-based policy and action, consistent with an economic growth paradigm; and, many scholars argue, deflecting citizens away from political action to redress the structural causes of environmental problems like climate change;

• _{environmental citizenship theory addresses the relationship between over-}

consumption in the West and global environmental problems like climate change, with the responsibility-based approach argued for by theorists such as Andrew Dobson and John Barry the most convincing;

• _{but there are a number of issues with the theory, including its focus on}

potentially depoliticising individual action.

Some of the issues identified in environmental citizenship theory have a direct bearing on its potential as a framework for citizens’ action on climate change. In order to evaluate the theory’s potential, empirical studies are needed to interrogate just how the theory might translate into practice. This is the task of the next two chapters, with

Chapter Five initially outlining the analytical framework to be used, and the precise issues which the empirical analysis is seeking to illuminate.

Chapter Five

Environmental citizenship and

sustainable consumption: dealing with climate change in

practice

5.1 Introduction

Based on the framework for analysis used so far in the thesis (summarised at the end of Chapter Four), this chapter examines studies of citizens’ everyday lives, and attitudes, to build up an understanding of environmental citizenship and sustainable consumption as manifested in practice. As noted in Chapter Four, empirical studies are necessary as environmental citizenship is a normative theory; and in order to evaluate whether the theory is suitable as a framework for citizens’ action on climate change, it must be examined in a practical context, to determine whether issues arising from the theoretical analysis are relevant in a practical context, and to identify any further issues that need to be resolved.

Central among these issues are:

• _{whether environmental citizenship can consist only of practices aimed at}

reducing a citizen’s own ecological footprint, or is it necessarily broader, encompassing community-based and political action to bring about structural change towards a sustainable society?

• _{does focusing on private sphere activities, specifically consumption, mean the}

structural foundations of unsustainability are necessarily neglected?

• _{what, if anything, connects personal and public environmental citizenly}

action?

• _{what motivates environmental citizens to act?}

First, the chapter examines a field of theoretical and empirical literature that seeks to combine consumption and citizenship: the citizen-consumer. This

examination narrows down the situations in which environmental citizenship and sustainable consumption can be seen as clearly consistent, theoretically and empirically – through citizens practising consumption in a political, critical or

conscious way, aware of the implications of the global production-consumption-waste chain that perpetuates environmental and social harm.

As noted in Chapter Four, for the purpose of the thesis’ empirical analysis, a necessarily utilitarian definition of environmental citizenship has been adopted, derived from a synthesis of the theoretical literature:

‘acting on a commitment to ensuring an ecologically sustainable society’ (section 4.7).

This definition guides the analysis of the empirical studies examined below, and also the thesis’ own case study, discussed in Chapter Six.

The analytical framework used in this chapter is based on the analysis of background and theoretical material examined so far. It initially examines:

• _{studies of ‘pro-environmental behaviour’ which, while not mentioning}

environmental citizenship, are highly pertinent to a concept which involves translating environmental concern into action; then progresses to

• _{expressions of environmental citizenship through the everyday practices of}

citizens;

• _{motivations for such behaviour;}

• _{the barriers that limit or prevent environmental citizenly behaviour;}

• _{contradictions and inconsistencies evident even in the behaviour of committed}

environmental citizens; and finally

• _{individual agency and the relationship between the individual and the}

collective, a crucial aspect of environmental citizenship (Luque 2005). These studies, which come from a range of disciplines, perspectives and countries, show that the concept of expressing environmental citizenship through consumption practices is extremely complex and is deeply enmeshed in societal, cultural and political factors. The analysis undertaken in this chapter informs the analysis of the case study results in the following chapter, and both of these empirical chapters feed through to the evaluation of environmental citizenship theory in Chapter Seven.