1.4) Recepción, informes y boleterías:
B) Consideraciones en cuanto a los servicios que se prestan: Habitaciones:
The preceding material has shown that the years 1917–1920 witnessed a tremendous growth of Evangelical activity in religious and social areas of life in society (1918c, p. 2). New churches were planted and ministries started (1972, p. 9). Many parts of Russia witnessed the formation of new congregations because people were receptive to the preaching of the Gospel (1918f, p. 4) (Murygina, 2008, p. 93).
3.8.1 The Issue of the Unification of Baptists and Evangelical Christians
One of the important aspects in the life of Evangelical Christians and Baptists was the issue of uniting them into a single union. In May 1920, one of the most significant Congresses of the representatives of the two movements took place, where they discussed the conditions of their unification (Plett, 2011, pp. 96-100). Among the most discussed conditions were issues about the name of the combined Union, its management, the location of its headquarters, as well as the issues of coordination of the organization of local churches since there had been cases where believers who were excommunicated from one church were taken by another. On all these issues there had been collective compromises. However, in practice, the unification of unions was not achieved. Circumstances were such that the differences started to grow soon after the Congress. Prokhanov, who was among the initiators of the Congress, was forced to stop dealing with this issue and switch to other issues (Plett, 2011, pp. 99-100).
The unification had always had symbolic meaning. At that time it would mean an increased centralization that was not necessary in the framework of such a large country as the
Soviet Union. Furthermore, by the mid-1920s, Baptists had found the need to decentralize their own union. For example, protocols and materials of the 26th Congress of Baptists of the U.S.S.R., held in December 1926, stated: ‘Our proliferated Brotherhood can no longer be controlled by the old way of centralisation, i.e. the concentration of control of all things in one place. Life itself in recent years has put forward the formation of local unions that met the spiritual needs of the Brotherhood within their territory. So the Unions and Departments were formed: Far East, East Siberian, Ukrainian, North Caucasus, Transcaucasia and others’ (1927d, p. 2). It is this Congress that adopted the new name of the Union - Federated Union of Baptists of the U.S.S.R. According to the Union Charter, it included eight ‘local Baptist Unions’: the Far East, Siberia, Middle Asia, North-Caucasian, Transcaucasian, All-Ukrainian with the German section, Crimean, Baptist Union of Northern Russia with the Latvian section entering it (1927d, p. 99). Each of the unions was autonomous.
3.8.2 Christian Education and Enlightenment
Many factors influenced the sustainable development of churches. One of the leaders of the Baptist Union in the mid-1920s said:
There is need for the spiritual education of the members and hence there is need for more experienced workers and spiritual teachers. There is a shortage of ordained presbyters, especially in newly formed congregations, and for the proper organisation of congregations on the model given in the Word of God (Steeves, 1976, p. 204).
This situation was aggravated by the fact that there was no practical ability to establish and maintain religious schools, since there were never enough financial resources. Baptist World Alliance was willing to provide financial assistance for the organization of a theological school but it had two conditions: 1) the Bible school had a legal registration and functioned in full accordance with the Soviet law, and 2) the funds provided for the process of staff training were divided equally between Baptists and evangelicals. However, the creation of such a joint school on an equal footing for Baptists and evangelicals failed to happen. Prokhanov, who was Vice-President of the Baptist World Alliance, managed to get the funds in his hand and did everything possible so that evangelical Christians could take precedence in the control over the work of the school. It opened in Leningrad in April 1924. At first Baptist students were also enrolled, but later, in disagreement with the policy of Prokhanov, they left the school. Two years later, the Baptist Union was able to achieve the opening of its own theological courses (Krapivin, 2003, pp. 255-266). The Baptists also planned to open a separate Bible school in Ukraine, but this was not possible to achieve. Sources also report the existence of Regents courses in local communities, which were not regular.
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Because of the politics of the Soviet authority in relation to religion and the church at the onset of 1928-1929, educational institutions of Evangelical Christians and Baptists could not continue their work and were closed.
The 1920s were a period for the evangelical movement to establish close ties overseas, with the purpose to improve the evangelistic activities in the U.S.S.R. and to receive assistance with the development and education of churches. Connections with the evangelicals from abroad were for Protestants in the Soviet Union a way to feel part of the global evangelical movement. At that time, there was no Iron Curtain, or the inherent attributes of the Cold War, and Russian evangelicals, especially church leaders, could freely visit communities in the U.S. and Western Europe. Prokhanov frequently took advantage of this opportunity. The materials of the 10th Congress of Evangelical Christians reported that Prokhanov gave an account to the delegates of the Congress for his rather long trips. In particular, they said:
The report of Ivan S. Prokhanov about his overseas trips and activities abroad lasted at least 3 hours, after which the following decision was made: After having heard the report of brother I.S. Prokhanov... about his three trips abroad: the first, to Czechoslovakia and Germany from January to May 1924, the second, to Germany from September to November 1924, and the third, to America from 28 February 1925 to 25 November 1926, the Congress noted their great importance, as the main purpose of the travelling was like the travelling of the sons of Jacob to Egypt in the days of physical hunger ... and was to deliver spiritual bread for the people of God in the U.S.S.R., namely: Bibles, New Testaments, collections of spiritual songs and general spiritual literature. The following objectives were carried out by these trips: (1) It was imported, under the authority of the Soviet government, about 50,000 copies of Bibles, New Testaments, and spiritual songs collections of Kassel editions. (2) A new edition of ‘Spiritual songs’ has been published in Lodz, consisting of 10 collections, and some of them have been imported. (3) The spiritual and practical connection has been established with the first evangelical Christians in Europe: Khelchitskiy brothers, offspring of the movement of Jan Hus, who even though belong to the Baptist World Alliance, have a different name and had adopted baptism by faith 150 years earlier than Baptists did (1608 in the Netherlands)...
Further, the materials of the Congress reported that a connection with many American communities was established and monetary assistance collected resulting in the printing of 25,000 Bibles with another 20,000 New Testaments to be printed. The Congress noted with appreciation that the Union of Evangelical Christians was essentially turning into a World movement, and it also approved the establishment of the American Board of representatives of the Union in Chicago (Ivan S. Prokhanov, 1927, pp. 15-17).
Systematic attempts were being made to improve the work in the field of spiritual enlightenment. In particular, since 1924, a magazine of Evangelical Christians Khristianin (Christian) had been regularly published. In 1926, they also issued a tear-off table calendar, and Novye napevy (New Tunes) hymnal. During 1927 and the first five months of 1928, the Union of Evangelical Christians published 35,000 Bibles, 25,000 New Testaments, 25,000 hymnals Evangel’skiye pesni (Gospel songs), 25,000 hymnals Dukhovnye pesni (Spiritual
Songs), and 10,000 of songs with notes, 15,000 concordances, and 40,000 desktop calendars. Since 1 January 1925, after seven years of absence, the Baptist magazine resumed publication. Besides the magazine, the Baptists published a brochure Ispovedaniye very
khristian baptistov (The Confession of Faith of Baptist Christians) and also Materials of XXVI Congress of Baptists. In Ukraine, in 1926, the Baptist Ukrainy (Ukrainian Baptist) magazine
began to be published (Plett, 2011, p. 162).
But, in general, only few had a theological education, and even the general level of education of ministers was extremely low. Out of 239 participants at 26 Baptist Congress (1928), only 38 had a secondary, specialized secondary or higher education, leaving the rest to have their level of education indicated as ‘low’. It should also be noted that the vast majority of those ministers were peasants (1927d, p. 4).
3.8.3 Women in Church
But even with lower education, there were not enough workers in God’s field. As a result, the participation of women in ministry was considered, although this service was almost never related to leadership positions that were completely dominated by men. In the 1920s, women played an active role in the Russian Evangelical movement. Before this period, activities by groups of Evangelical women were virtually non-existent. Reports from various locations in Russia conclude that activities of Christian women were on the increase. They organized special worship services and Bible study groups in larger cities. Women raised significant amounts of funding for charity causes in their areas as well as directly participating in charities assisting believers and unbelievers. In 1926, Evangelical Christian women from Kiev, Ukraine, organised a soup kitchen for people in need. Archival documents indicate that they were in the process of raising funds for the purchase of a larger stove (Coleman, 2005), p. 171). Members of the same group established a sewing workshop and did laundry for prisoners and homeless people in the area (Coleman, 2005, p. 171). Evangelical women preached during worship services organized especially for women, which were rare. According to a member of the Jewish Baptist congregation, ‘All brethren have the idea that women should not preach. From attending some of the women’s worship services I can say that some of the sermons were deeper and more interesting than those of men’ (Coleman, 2005, p. 172).
In 1925, the Baptist published a short article entitled 'A Few Words about Our Sisters', which discussed the importance of women’s ministries in Baptist churches. The article encouraged every Baptist woman to find a certain ministry in the church. It encouraged women to serve as a source of blessing and encouragement for local congregations and for
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men in particular. The article specified three major avenues for women’s ministries in Baptist churches: (1) prayer and support of the church, (2) mission and evangelism and (3) visitation of the sick, distribution of printed literature and collection of donations (1925c).
The rise in activities of Evangelical women was attributed to the proclamation by Bolsheviks of the equality of men and women. Because of this proclamation, Evangelicals were prompted to re-evaluate the roles of women in churches, granting them more freedom of action, where before some churches did not even allow women to speak publically or pray during worship services.
An article in one of the 1922 Evangelical newspapers called for the restriction of women’s participation in church life. Prokhanov challenged this approach. He indicated that the true liberation of a woman in Russian society would come only with spiritual transformation. He further stated that Evangelical women were to be charged with responsibilities of doing charitable work, being involved in missionary activities and raising the younger generation in the spirit of Christ.
Unlike Evangelical Christians, Baptist churches had stricter rules and regulations concerning women’s dress code. Baptist publications indicate a debate in churches over the issue of head covering. Even though the subject was dropped altogether later, it is evident that the question of woman’s leadership in Baptist churches was a big issue in many congregations.
At the beginning of the 1920s, the Soviet government exhibited openness toward women’s roles in society. The authorities had not yet launched a mass persecution of Evangelicals. They were supportive of Christian harvest festivals and economic initiatives, such as communes and cooperatives. Russian Evangelicals responded to such openness with enthusiasm, seeing things from a different angle, which did not quite go along with the views of the government. In spite of this, the 1920s saw an attempt in coexistence between a Christian idea of Socialism and Soviet power.
It should be noted that evangelicals raised the question about the opening of biblical courses for women. We know about Baptists that they allowed women to go only to regents courses (Plett, 2011, p. 162). Overall, Baptists recognised the important role of women in ministry. The resolution of the fifth Congress of Ukrainian Baptists (held in Kharkov in 1928) stated: ‘The Congress also welcomes the work of sisters, it only regrets that the work is carried out only in very few communities yet; and it expresses the wish that in all of our communities the opportunity to express themselves in the service of the Lord be given to sisters’ (1928, p. 6).
3.8.4 Children and the Young People
In the 1920s, Evangelical Christians gave particular attention to the question of raising children and youth education. Russian Evangelicals welcomed the January 1918 decree of the Soviet government regarding the separation of the church and the school. In this decree, the Evangelicals saw a liberating tool, which gave them freedom to educate their children in Evangelical beliefs. It has to be said that prior to the Socialist Revolution, children of Evangelicals (like all other children) had to undergo instruction in the Orthodox traditions, which included revering icons and kissing the cross. Because they were surrounded by Russian Orthodox culture, Evangelicals particularly resented these two practices, emphasizing that God cannot and should not be depicted in iconic art (Savinsky, 2001, p. 44).
Evangelicals enthusiastically supported the law regulating Soviet public schools.39 They were in favour of the state control of the schools, especially because the Orthodox Church was in charge of religious education in schools prior to 1917. Yet, Russian Evangelicals were against the article that prohibited religious education of children under 18 years of age (Krapivin, 2003, p. 47). The Soviet government, whose official policy was to promote atheism, used this article to disband all Sunday schools, including those in Evangelical churches. On 21 January 1921, the government decreed that children under the age of 18 could be taught religion only in homes by their parents or by other instructors (with parental consent). Children were not to be taught in large groups (there was a limit of three children per group), no matter whether they were members of the same family or not (Savinsky, 2001, p. 44).
Following the governmental decree, Evangelical leaders advised families to teach children at home. Where impossible, they encouraged Christians to teach children in small groups. Evangelicals emphasized the importance of family time and the reading of the Scriptures and prayer in the family circle (1925b). In some locations, in spite of the decree, Evangelical churches continued to hold Sunday schools and Vacation Bible schools. They even applied for permission to start religious schools (Krapivin, 2003, p. 47). According to Evangelical statistics of the time, the youth comprised between 20 and 30 percent of the entire church membership (Krapivin, 2003, p. 48).
39
Unlike the Evangelicals, the Russian Orthodox Church did not welcome the decree, which served the purpose of destruction of its influence upon the society and the State. In particular, Pomestnyi Sobor (Assembly of the Orthodox Clergy and Laity) that took place in Moscow in 1917 issued a statement, in which the decree was called the instrument of ‘satanic persecution’ of the church. The Orthodox Church threatened everybody that would cooperate with the Soviet authorities in implementation of the decree with excommunication. The Bolsheviks encountered mass protests of the Orthodox believers all over the country. They considered protests to be organised confrontations of reactionary forces and suppressed them with mass repressions of the Orthodox clergy.
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Children of Russian Evangelicals took an active part in worship services by reciting Christian poetry and singing songs. They participated in the celebration of Christian as well as Soviet State holidays. Evangelicals tried to use all means available to point the children and youth40
toward spiritual matters.41
Youth ministry was well organized. Some youth circles were responsible for the caring of the sick while others were charged with overseeing economic aid to the youth. Some youth groups were responsible for the printing and distribution of Christian literature. The youth work at the time was considered of such importance that young people enjoyed wholehearted support of the leaders of Evangelical congregations (Krapivin, 2003, p. 43).
Evangelical youth was involved in missionary work. Young people travelled to towns and villages with the goal of sharing their beliefs. They organized so-called, 'youth nights' (Rus. molodyozhnye vechera) during which they enjoyed food and tea42, listened to testimonies and sang Christian hymns. The youth nights attracted young people from the community, some of whom readily embraced Christian beliefs (Coleman, 2005, p. 170).
As time went by, Christian youth nights, organized by Evangelicals, began to present an alternative to methods used by the Soviet government to raise the youth in the spirit of atheism. In one case, a young female Baptist from Leningrad had a discussion with a member of the Young Communist League (Rus. Komsomol). The arguments of the Christian young woman were so convincing, that a member of the Komsomol followed her to the Baptist worship service (Coleman, 2005, p. 171). This case showed that young Evangelicals were not afraid to challenge the views of atheists in public, which eventually led to discord between the government and Evangelicals43
(Coleman, 2005, p. 171). In the eyes of the Soviet government, Evangelicals were creating parallel structures of influence and were opposing the state machine in its struggle for ideological control over the hearts and minds of the people. Even though Evangelicals did not challenge the Bolsheviks directly, eventually the peaceful coexistence came to an end (Krapivin, 2003, p. 48).
40
Russian Evangelicals used the term 'youth' loosely. They considered all of those less than 30 years of age to be the 'youth'. Churches organized so-called 'Youth gatherings' (Rus. Molodyozhnye obshcheniya) and ‘Youth circles’ (Rus. Molodyozhnye kruzhki). Some of the Molodyozhnye obshcheniya were organized at regional levels.
41
According to one of the governmental reports, ‘Sectarians use the following means for their propaganda: declamation of poetry, choir hymns, orchestras, special music as well as movies. At their congress, Evangelical Christians discussed whether it was permissible to show movies during prayer meetings. The congress agreed that those meeting, at which films were show, attracted more visitors. So, those present agreed that showings of movies were quite acceptable.’
42
Vecherya lyubvi in Russian.
43
For instance, in 1926, Baptist young people from Leningrad held a gathering around the theme ‘Is it true that soon Christianity will disappear?’
3.9 Conclusion
Several factors contributed toward numerical growth among Russian Evangelicals. First, evangelistic zeal of Baptists following the Socialist revolution led to a dramatic increase in the number of churches. Second, the Baptist work ethic and mutual assistance in the communes attracted a large number of peasants. Third, new legislation regarding military service led to an influx of people in the churches. But the most important factor was that the state policy of the Bolsheviks during the 1920s was generally loyal to evangelical believers.
The period of freedom in the 1920s was unprecedented in the life of Soviet Evangelicals (Murygina, 2008, p. 93). It can be compared only to the early 1990s. The 1920s saw a tremendous rise in social activity of Evangelicals who thought that they had finally achieved what they longed for – religious freedom and the opportunity to transform society by spiritual