The data collection for this thesis proceeded over a one year period from 2006 to 2007. Three months were spent undertaking ethnographic research within key souvenir purchasing and production sites in Swaziland. This also involved formal in-depth 56 tourists. All the tourists recruited for this research were residents of the UK. This enabled recruitment for further research (see section 3.4). Research in the UK consisted of 13 follow-up, in-depth interviews
and lasted from one to three hours and were approached as an ethnographic encounter (following Miller 2001). A further month was then spent in Swaziland carrying out 22 in-depth interviews with a variety of people working within the souvenir industry, including market vendors and wood carvers, employees and managers of companies.
Where necessary, in this chapter and throughout this thesis, this group is referred to generically as to designate their separation from tourists according to their interactions with souvenir-objects. For the purposes of this chapter I have also discussed my research with tourists and producers separately to outline their different involvement
in this research. However, in practice this research process involved encounters between tourists and producers. Whilst the first three months of my research in Swaziland focused upon tourists (see section 3.3), this also involved
rapport with those working in the souvenir industry in Swaziland.
Swaziland was chosen as a focus for this research because of the size and diversity of its souvenir industry, as well as its significance to tourists. Although tourists typically only spend a few days in Swaziland as part of a broader tour of South Africa, Swaziland was known for its crafts (see section 4.1.2). There were many established tourism activities, tours and excursions in Swaziland. However, these predominantly involved shopping for souvenirs and all tourists visited one, if not a number, of the companies and markets selling souvenirs, all of which are concentrated in a small area of Swaziland (see figure 4.4, section 4.1). The two national languages in Swaziland are English and SiSwati, and a majority of people in tourist areas converse in both (although communication was occasionally an issue, see 3.5.3). As such,
expanding tourism and souvenir industry offers a unique focus for this research and its interest in both the production and consumption of souvenir-objects. I discuss the souvenir production and purchasing sites involved in this research in depth in chapter 4 and elaborate on their significance according to the central concerns of this thesis.
However, I will briefly describe the extent and nature of my research at each research site here (see appendix 4 for details of participants).
3.2.1 Companies in Swaziland
There are a number of successful and well established businesses in Swaziland selling souvenir-objects to tourists as well as designing products to sell internationally within the interior design market. The cross-over
provides an interesting and productive tension in this thesis, particularly in section 6.4,
where these companies are shown to be . Each
compan ther the production and/or consumption of
souvenir-objects. The first three companies I discuss, Ngwenya Glass, Baobab Batik and Swazi Candles have become tourist attractions in Swaziland, because they invite tourists to watch their production processes. In comparison, the other four companies I discuss, Gone Rural, Tintsaba Craft, Coral Stephens and Swazi Trading House, sell to tourists through shops reflecting their interior décor aesthetics. These are not
particularly popular, reflecting, as I discuss in sections 4.2.3 and 6.3, preferred buying practices
Ngwenya Glass (www.ngwenyaglass.co.sz) produces recycled glassware and animal figurines and invites tourists to watch its production processes from a viewing the company twenty years ago and continue to run the company together.
Baobab Batik (www.baobab-batik.com) sell interior décor such as wall hangings produced using fabrics, wax and a complex dying process. Tourists are given a tour of the workshop where this process is explained. This was not incorporated on tour bus routes through Swaziland. However, it was visited by many independent self-drive tourists as well as backpacking tourists. I visited Baobab Batik on numerous accompanied shopping trips with tourists and interviewed the manager of this company.
Swazi Candles (www.swazicandles.com) produce and sell hand-moulded candles and also have a workshop where tourists can watch demonstrations of this process. I based a great deal of my ethnographic research here, sitting with candle makers and talking to them during quiet times as well as observing interactions with tourists when tour buses did arrive. I interviewed the managers and the candle makers working for Swazi Candles. The candles were incredibly popular as gifts and were often discussed in interviews in the UK.
Gone Rural (www.goneruralswazi.com) is a not-for-profit organisation and has recently attained International Fair Trade Association (IFTA) status for its production and sale of hand-plaited lutindzi grass tableware. It is a complex set-up involving over 720 women in rural areas of Swaziland who plait grass and make mats for Gone Rural, meeting in workshop groups every three weeks to exchange these and take new orders. I interviewed the production manager, creative designer, shop sellers and a number of
women who work for Gone Rural. I discuss in depth in
chapter 8. Unfortunately I could not recruit many participants who purchased objects from Gone Rural because few tourists, particularly those from the UK, visited the shop.
Tintsaba Craft (www.tintsaba.com) is also a fair trade organisation which sells hand woven sisal grass jewellery and grass baskets. It is set up in a similar way to Gone
Rural, but without the emphasis on workshop group meetings. Instead the women give their products to community representatives to take to the central offices. It is based in the far north east of Swaziland and is visited by few tourists and regrettably was not a strong focus for this research. It took a long time to establish contact with this organisation, in part due to the timing of my research just before Christmas 2006.
However, I interviewed the manager of this company and visited the tourist shop on a number of occasions during my return trip in July 2007. Future research into the workings of this organisation would provide useful comparison with Gone Rural and the relations of fair trade discussed in chapter 8.
Coral Stephens (www.coralstephens.com) is involved in hand-weaving fabrics and is based next to Tintsaba Craft. All production is undertaken on-site but the workshop is not directly open to tourists without prior arrangement. I took a tour of the site and interviewed the manager. Whilst Coral Stephens was not a strong focus for my research with tourists because very few purchased their fabrics, their production and selling techniques as an interior décor company informs my analysis in chapters 5 and 6.
Swazi Trading House is an organisation recently established by the government in an effort to recognise and support the significance of the craft industry. The organisation is currently setting up a database of producers working with different crafts across the country, with the eventual aim being to offer buyers across the world a showcase of objects available to order. However, it is not publicised well and the website cannot currently be accessed from the UK1 (although they are working to develop this aspect of the business). Their business practices had also come under criticism within the souvenir industry in Swaziland. I interviewed the marketing director and the manager but limited my association with this organisation beyond this.
3.2.2 Tourist Markets in Swaziland
This research focused upon three main tourist markets in Swaziland which were popular with tourists (see chapter 4). Ezulwini Valley Market is the largest tourist market and the most visited in Swaziland, mainly because it is located a few minutes walk from three major hotels where tour bus groups stay overnight. This was a key site for recruiting tourists due to its size and the number of producers interested in my research. There is also a lesser known and visited craft market in the town of Manzini, above a larger market selling fruit, vegetables and clothes. It is also a purchasing site for
1 They are working to improve this situation and the website address will be www.swazimarket.com
souvenir-traders throughout Swaziland. The small size of this market made it difficult for me to spend any length of time there, provoking rumours about my presence and motives. I predominantly visited this market during accompanied shopping trips with tourists, performing the role of a tour guide. However, I was unable to build rapport with any of the sellers and I decided to base my research at Ezulwini Valley Market and Swazi Candles Market. Swazi Candles Market is another, much smaller, tourist market incorporated within the Swazi Candles complex and is popular because a number of giraffe carvers sit at the edges of the markets to work everyday. I spent a great deal of time doing my research at this market, waiting for tourists with giraffe carvers whilst learning about their work. The majority of the accompanied shopping trips I undertook with tourists incorporated one, if not all, of these markets. I undertook informal conversation interviews with a number of sellers at each of these markets. Formally, four carvers and/or sellers took part in this research.