The youth in the Igbo Ohacracy order are unmarried and below forty years of age and belong to the association of young Ohacracy people, militant social and cultural group and plays an influential solidarity role among the Igbo Ohacracy governance. Young adult male group affiliate themselves to this age group organization in which they play a social, cultural and political roles in contributing to the common good of the Igbo people. Every young Igbo male adult looks forward to the age group with anticipation. Questions arise regarding the young Igbo female adults and their roles in the Ohacracy governance arena under consideration. To this question I note that the Igbo culture did not discriminate against young adult girls. Of course Igbo girls participate in the daily affairs of the Igbo family/community tasks of manual and farm works, education, sports entertainment (dance group), market squire and river cleanings, but there is no particular socio-cultural function and role assigned to young female adults (see Agbasiere 2000:45-46 and Anyanwu, 2010:39). While insisting and expanding on the youth participation in Igbo Ohacrcy governance, Okafor (1992:9) writes that the executive function of the village is trusted in the youth. By their age-group organisation, this serves the means by which the youth are allocated public duties and guarding public morality through the censorship of members’ behaviour. They youth are seen to be the police of every village community.
The young adult Igbo girls do join their male counterparts as events arise, (for example mass youth protests against individuals who may have broken the laws of the land) but they are unconsciously (constantly) reminded of the natural marriage movement/event. Young adult girls leave their natural families to join their husbands’ clan; whereby they enjoy full right of participation and double citizenship as described above under the Umuada phenomenon.
This condition may be explained by the natural expectation of every Igbo girl who would get married to another community. As I noted above, every young Igbo adult girl looks forward to get married out of her community and by the reality of such a marriage, community loses their young girls’ presence and service to other communities. Hence, the wisdom not to assign the young Igbo adult girls any particular socio-political (governance) role or task has come from the marriage movement that takes them out of their birth-families and communities. However, the Umuada phenomenon addresses and clarifies further on the young Igbo adult girl’s role which is said to be postponed or reserved until marriage. It is reasonable to understand the wisdom of this design since marriage brings stability in the life of the married young woman.
It should be clarified that the Igbo Ohacracy system and policy of common good provides and has placed such tasks and responsibility on all young adult males. Even so, I must point out that, not all Igbo adult males grow to this maturity and expectations towards the growth of the Igbo Ohacracy nation. Some fall away from the expectations due to the pressure and the high demand of the Igbo Oha solidarity on its young adults. However, Basden (1966:196-198) and other writers point out these developmental roles which are geared towards achieving the common good for all. They identify these as follows:
I. These young adult males are the militant and law enforcement group who are regularly called upon to defend their father land against indiscipline (see Achebe 1965:171). II. They are responsible for rural road and market maintenances
III. Through the age grade, every member is tasked to build unity and positive relationships among its family affiliates
IV. These form the major work/labour force for Ohacracy community projects like the building of community centres and schools, farms and other community development ventures (see Anyanwu 2010:39).
V. The harvesting of major crops and food plants remain their major responsibility
VI. The Igbo agriculture or farming is seasonal; hence during the dry season in which the Igbo Ohacracy people are relaxed with less work to do, the youth male age grade is tasked with entertainment of their communities and the people at large with wrestling contexts and masquerade dancing (see Achebe 1965:168).
VII. They work hard to be able to take care of the younger siblings in the family and beyond (extended families)
VIII. These are also the major trading group who are able to travel far and wide to market their products and other articles in their possession (Agbasiere 2000:45).
Finally, as Basden (1966:196) rightly notes, all these duties and responsibilities are expected of every young Igbo man who must respond to the social and political needs of his living
Ohacracy community. He therefore argues:
…Every young Igbo man upon reaching this manhood state, automatically enters upon the privileges and duties of citizenship, and bears his share in all that appertains to the well-being of the villages. He is called upon to contribute to the public festivals and sacrificial obligations, and to pay his quota towards any expenses incurred by the community. As required, he must render personal service in war and peace…
It is in so living that the Igbo Ohacracy solidarity is achieved, developed and maintained as people and individuals play their roles in enriching the community’s vision for all. As I have already pointed out, this principle and expectation is embedded in the Igbo Ohacracy decentralized governance system, yet encounter challenges in areas where all behaviours do not lead to growth and development. Issues of corruption, ill-treatment of others, injustice and inequality between men and women etc... are all concerns that still exist.
The youth in essence are the future generation of the Igbo Ohacracy and are fully involved and engaged in the governance of the society. Hence, as they are groomed into becoming future elders, the Igbo decentralised system fully involve the young people to grow with responsibility and commitment to the security of the entire community as noted above. In the same manner, the Vatican II event has encouraged the full involvement and active participation of the Youth in centralised Roman Catholic Church governance. By so doing, the Catholic Youths are to be entrusted with responsibilities, duties and leadership positions that will engage them to be part of Catholic Church governance. The old saying that ‘the young people should wait for their time of leadership to arrive,’ should be done away with in order for young people to contribute and participate in this common governance of the Roman Catholic Church as in their Igbo Ohacracy counterparts. The Catholic Church among the Igbo
Ohacracy is therefore called upon in the event of Vatican II to utilise the young people so that
they can truly become tomorrow’s leaders.
This chapter now proceeds to look at the nature of the extended family in the Igbo Ohacracy governance.