Data Collection

Vilma E. Lappalainen, Lasse I. Keinonen, Riikka T. Ilmonen, Tiina M. Helojärvi, Saana H. Annala

Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Helsinki

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Abstract

Technological development is often associated with a possibility of emancipation and freedom for individuals. How can new advancements of mobility, such as ride-hailing technologies in the form of mobile applications liberate women in developing

countries? In this research project, we dive deep into the emancipatory effect of Uber and other similar applications. We are introducing two case studies: one from the perspective of female drivers, and another one from the passengers of ride-hailing apps. We are going to approach this discussion from a perspective that combines feminist technoscience and viewpoints of value-sensitive design method. We

conclude with policy recommendations, where we evaluate our findings according to the Principles of Digital Development. We find that ride-hailing apps have some emancipatory effects, but more research is needed before further conclusions. We suggest that ethically sustainable ride-hailing services in the Global South must study the users and the ecosystem and build on already existing technologies.

Keywords: Feminist technoscience; technology; mobility; emancipation; ride-hailing apps, Uber, Lyft, STS, science and technology studies

EMANCIPATION, MOBILITY AND RIDE-HAILING APPS

In the 21st century, mobility has become more and more accessible as moving from one place to another is now possible by using smartphone applications. Applications such as Uber and Lyft have quickly been able to establish their place as everyday tools for many people. Even with their positive effect on mobility, these kinds of applications have gained some negative press in recent years (e.g. The Guardian, 19 June 2019). For this research project, we wanted to focus on what emancipatory effects ride-hailing applications might have for women in countries where their mobility has traditionally been more limited.

Our main focus here are women in the Global South¹. However, Western data is also partially used because some of the data can only be found in an occidental context. From the perspective of female drivers on ride-hailing apps, we are focusing on women as drivers in general, and for female passengers, we are focusing on women travelling in India, Mexico and South Africa. We consider this somewhat ambivalent use of context and data to be justified. This is because our focus is on the political design problems related to the ride-hailing apps (which can be context bound) and to a lesser degree on research about the Global South. Focus on the Global South is used specifically to highlight context and North-South power differential and related challenges.

We assume that ride-hailing apps have had manifold and contradicting effects for female emancipation. This is because during the design process, the developers have not been able to imagine all the possible problems related to the use of their products

— the developers might not even be interested in taking these into account. Some of the shortcomings may stem from the fact that the apps were originally developed to serve a particular purpose in a particular environment, but through temporal and spatial change, new challenges have arisen.

In the following section Keinonen establishes our theoretical framework which combines feminist technoscience and value-sensitive design approach (VSD).

In the third section Lappalainen discusses the relationship between mobility and female emancipation. Then we move on to our case studies from two different perspectives: Annala analyzes ride-hailing apps from the driver's perspective and in turn Ilmonen takes the angle of the passenger. In the sixth section Helojärvi uses the results of the previous sections to make policy recommendations according to the framework of Value-Sensitive Design and the Principles of Digital Development². We end our research paper with conclusions.

1 We are using both the terms Global South and developing countries, but we find the term Global South more appropriate. At the present day, the Global South is generally thought to be a more suitable term for describing non-western or non-developed countries. It should be noted that the term Global South does not necessarily refer geographically to the south part of the globe: most people living in the Global South actually live in the Northern hemisphere (Hollington, Salverda, Schwartz & Teppe, 2015).

2 Principles of Digital Development are widely used international principles for designing digital technologies to the contexts of developing countries. They were created by a broad group of NGOs and IGOs. More information at https://digitalprinciples.org/about/

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Theoretical framework: feminist technoscience and value-sensitive design approach

Our theoretical base here is twofold. It combines perspectives from feminist technology studies and value-sensitive design approach. The former is used to analyze the results of case studies whereas the latter is mostly used to make policy recommendations. We will start by explicating the core ideas of feminist technology studies and feminist technoscience. We then move on to define our value-sensitive design approach. In the third section of this research paper, we will apply this general theoretical framework to mobility-related female emancipation.

Feminist technoscience

Feminist technoscience is a critical interdisciplinary academic field of research (Åsberg & Lykke, 2010) that is interested in the ways gender and technology are mutually shaped (Wajcman, 2010). It is an academic stand supported by such

researches as Judy Wajcman and Donna Haraway. Feminist technoscience (from here on FTS) is a feminist approach to science and technology studies (STS). The term technoscience is meant to be used to criticize the positivist distinction between scientific theories and their applications. Amongst researches of FTS and STS, it is seen that “pure and basic” science is tangled with societal interests (Åsberg & Lykke, 2010, p. 299).

Current feminist technology studies focus on the mutual shaping of technology and gender and conceptualize technology to be both a source and

consequence of gender relations. These theories try to avoid determinism and gender essentialism and emphasize that “gender-technology relationship is fluid and situated”

(Wajcman, 2010, p. 143). They highlight “how processes of technical change can influence gender power relations”. The solution for gender equality in technology lies in a feminist view of technology policy (Wajcman, 2010, p. 143). We subscribe here to contemporary notions of feminist technoscience, but a few important points should be noted about the development of feminist theories of technology.

Initial feminist perspectives on technology were raised to criticize the masculinity of technology and the formation of engineering as a white and male middle-class profession which ruled out women and other groups. It is seen that “the hegemonic form of masculinity is still strongly associated with technical prowess and power” in Western society (Wajcman, 2010, pp. 143-145). This hegemonic position is built for instance through different childhood exposures to technology, the existence of different gender roles and by the segregation of job markets (Wajcman, 2010).

Wajcman states that the marginalization of women from the technological community has had and keeps having a thorough influence on design, technical content and use of artefacts (Wajcman, 2010).

Subsequently in FTS the social factors shaping different technologies came under scrutiny. This especially happened from the point of view of how technology reflects gender divisions and inequalities in general, and how gender is embedded in technology itself (Wajcman, 2010). One can uncover different strands from this era of

EMANCIPATION, MOBILITY AND RIDE-HAILING APPS

feminist STS, such as liberal feminism, radical feminism and socialist feminism.

These stands have been criticized to be too pessimistic and too dismissal about

women’s agency as they emphasized “the proclivity of technological developments to entrench gender hierarchies” instead of their possibilities to yield change (Wajcman, 2010, pp. 146–147).

Contemporary approaches are more optimistic about the possibilities of ICTs to empower women and modify gender relations. Some cyberfeminists for example point out that digital technologies can blur the lines between humans and machines as well as male and female, making it possible to choose new identities and elect their disguises. These new digital technologies are based on different assumptions than industrial technologies. The internet and cyberspace are seen to be feminine media, possibly providing a basis for a new form of society which could be liberating for women. Things such as reproductive technology are fundamentally confronting more

“traditional notions of gender reality” (Wajcman, 2010, pp. 147–148).

According to Wajcman, developments in digital technology call for a rethinking “of the processes of technological innovation and their impact on the culture and practices everyday life” amongst contemporary approaches (Wajcman, 2009, p. 148). For example, Donna Haraway elaborates a new feminist ‘imaginary’

which differs from the ‘material reality’ of the status quo technological order.

Wajcman states that “to move forward, we need to understand that technology as such is neither inherently patriarchal nor unambiguously liberating” (Wajcman, 2010, p.

148).

FTS shares the idea that “technological innovation is itself shaped by the social circumstances within which it takes place” (Wajcman, 2010, pp. 148-149)³. Technology is treated as a sociotechnical product and as a “seamless web or network combining artefacts, people, organizations, cultural meanings and knowledge”

(Wajcman, 2010, p. 149). A social constructivist framework is widely adopted amongst feminist STS scholars (Åsberg & Lykke, 2010; Wajcman, 2010) and following from this, “the gendering of technologies can then be understood as not only shaped in design, but also shaped or reconfigured at the multiple points of consumption and use” (Wajcman, 2010, p. 149). It follows that “gendered conceptions of users are fluid, and that the same artefact is subject to a variety of interpretations and meanings” (Wajcman, 2010, p. 150).

Value-sensitive design approach

Value-sensitive design approach is an engineering methodology to integrate ethics, ethical responsibility and human values into the design of technology (Cummings, 2006; Friedman, Kahn & Borning, 2002). Value-sensitive design (VSD) is essentially

3 Likewise, the concept of gender itself is also understood as “a performance or social achievement, constructed in interaction”; gender identities are shaped with the technology in the making, meaning that both gender and technology are product of moving relational process, emerging from collective and individual acts of interpretation” (Wajcman, 2010, 150).

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a formalized scheme of technological design and engineering. It is a structured

approach to incorporate human values and ethical concerns into the design process. Its design phases are similar to the typical system engineering approaches (Cummings, 2006).

VSD draws on moral epistemology and accounts for human values in the design process though a repetitive three-part design approach which takes conceptual, empirical and technical issues into consideration. VSD focuses on “broad, widely-held human values such as well-being, welfare and human rights”, as opposed to the more personal values of individuals (Cummings, 2006, p. 702; Friedman et al., 2002, p. 1).

VSD emphasizes how technology shapes society and is being shaped by social factors. For this, technology cannot be made in a value vacuum as sociotechnical systems have intertwined with human-technology-interactions. There are twelve specific human values of ethical importance taken in consideration in the design process, such as human welfare, privacy, and environmental sustainability (Cummings, 2006.). These selected values are not independent or exclusive.

The conceptual investigation centers on the question of “how the relevant human values are either supported or diminished by a particular design” (Cummings, 2006, p. 702). It does not only contemplate those human values which could be supported or diminished by the particular technology. It also considers how “the technology could both socially benefit and negatively impact stakeholders”;

potentially affected stakeholders should be considered both directly and indirectly (Cummings, 2006, p. 703; Friedman et al., 2002, p. 3). Often, especially indirect stakeholders — those affected by the system but not directly using them — are ignored in the design process (Friedman et al., 2002, 3).

The second phase is an empirical investigation that focuses on qualitative and quantitative measurements. The goal is to evaluate the design from a technical and value assessment approach. The most important consideration is what kind of effects design trade-offs have on “perceptions, behaviours and prioritization of competing values” and how the designer can contribute to or diminish value conflict (Cummings, 2006, p. 703). According to Friedman et al., “empirical investigations encompass any human activity that can be observed, measured, or documented” so the whole

selection of “quantitative and qualitative methods used in social science research may be applicable here” (Friedman et al., 2002, p. 3).

The third step is to investigate technical issues. Different technical designs are analysed to determine how they can support particular values and in which ways the values identified in the conceptual phase can be supported in the most desirable way by different design possibilities. The difference between empirical and technical investigations is that the empirical investigation focuses on human-technology interaction whereas technical investigation is concerned with the technology itself (Cummings, 2006; Friedman et al., 2002).

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Conclusion

It should be noted that our way of applying value-sensitive design methodology might differ from the usual approach. This is especially the case in the sense that we are going to use it to analyse already-in-use-technologies to make general policy recommendations on the design process of ride-hailing apps. We argue that this is a useful approach when analysing the challenges related to mobility technologies and their consequences on human values such as female emancipation.

A second consideration is that we do not have direct knowledge or data about the design processes of these apps, and that is not really even our interest here. We are more interested in how these apps have been successful or unsuccessful in

incorporating the values of VSD from an outside perspective. Has Uber been able to fulfil the values of trust, human welfare and privacy? Has Lyft worked for or against human rights? Are these ride hailing apps designed in ways that emancipate women?

Contemporary development of mobility technologies and their potential emancipatory effect

Mobility, as in the ability to move freely, is an essential factor of emancipation. What is meant by emancipation here is the process of being set free from legal, social, or political restrictions. Mobility provides access to essential activities and enables people to “appropriate” their right to the city (Levy, 2013, p. 47). A moderate amount has been written about mobility from a gender perspective (see for example Riverson, Kunieda, Roberts, Lewi & Walker, 2005; World Bank, 2010). However, with the emergence of new technologies that may enhance mobility, a new area of research remains to be uncovered. In this section we aim to map out potential ways in which new mobility technologies could have emancipatory effects.

Mobility and gender

Opportunities for mobility within and between cities relies strongly on transport systems. As transport systems are often planned primarily according to the travel needs of men (World Bank, 2010), women tend to have higher mobility

constraints. Mobility and gender have a bilateral relationship: while mobility

constraints clearly affect gender equality and the life opportunities of women, existing gender inequalities also have an effect on how transport is planned. According to the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE) (2016), transport and gender

inequality intertwine and show in the following ways:

• access gaps to transport infrastructure and services

• segregation in transport labour market

• gender-based violence in transport

• weak representation of women in the decision-making processes in the transport sector

Women’s mobility constraints are multiplied by the effect of social and cultural norms and practices. According to UNESCO, restrictions on women’s mobility and access to public spaces can include limitations on the purpose and timing of their

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travel and controls of place, companions and their way of dressing (UNESCO, 2011).

Women also tend to have a multifaceted role as workers, household managers and community managers, which often leads to so called time poverty (Venter, Vokolkova

& Jaroslav, 2006). This gendered pattern of time-use is a clear hindrance to female emancipation, and it is enforced by the mobility constraints mentioned above. Studies have shown that gendered time poverty could be reduced with improved transport infrastructure (Asian Development Bank, 2015).

Mobility enhancement through technologies?

Modern information technologies have enabled the emergence of a new kind of on-demand car services. Most of these new services function in the form of mobile applications that will from now on be called ride-hailing apps or services. Examples of such applications include Uber, Lyft and Ola. These services typically have improved productivity compared to traditional taxi services, mostly due to a more efficient technology to match the customer and the driver, and technologies that allow dynamic pricing (Rodrigue, 2017). The growth of ride-hailing services has also

changed the ownership system of vehicles towards a leasing system, and increased the supply of driving services to meet the demand (ibid).

While ride-hailing apps have had a significant impact on the transportation industry for both its workers and customers, they also have implications for other sectors such as car manufacturers, insurance companies and telecommunication companies (Eisenmauer, 2018). The latter introduces an interesting thread of thought, since the quick emergence and growth of ride-hailing services has produced an

unprecedented amount of passenger (and driver) data. So far, the data has mostly been used by the companies themselves to predict customer behaviour and improve

customer experience. However, data collected by private companies can also be used to create and share knowledge on social issues such as gender gaps. One example of this kind of use of private company information is a report published by the

International Financial Corporation (IFC) in cooperation with Uber and Accenture (IFC, 2018). We will use this report later on in this paper as material for our case studies in sections 4 and 5 and for our policy recommendations in section 6.

Incorporating feminist technoscience and value-sensitive design to mobility technologies

As seen in feminist technology perspectives, technology can be seen as both a source and a consequence of gender relations (Wajcman, 2010). Incorporating this view of the issue of mobility constraints caused by transport (EIGE, 2016), an analysis can be formed. In the case of ride-hailing services, technology can be seen as a source of gender relations through either filling or enlarging women’s access gaps, improving or diminishing segregation in the transport labour market, and possibly reducing or enforcing gender-based violence or harassment. The question of the representation of women in the decision-making of the transport sector in this context is a more

complex one, as ride-hailing services have so far been ruled by private companies.

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Whether gender-sensitive decision-making processes within the ride-hailing app companies could affect gender equality in a larger societal context is unfortunately out of the scope of this paper.

On the flip side of the coin, ride-hailing apps can be seen as a consequence of gender relations in the sense that the more women are empowered and encouraged to leave the domestic sphere, the more ride-hailing companies will have potential female customers and drivers. This could increase the amount of total supply and demand of ride-hailing, which would lead to increasing profits for the industry. From a more theoretical (feminist STS) perspective, the forms and dynamics of ride-hailing apps can be seen as a reflection of the social and cultural environment of the ride-hailing companies. Any gender imbalances or gaps can thus be associated with corresponding

On the flip side of the coin, ride-hailing apps can be seen as a consequence of gender relations in the sense that the more women are empowered and encouraged to leave the domestic sphere, the more ride-hailing companies will have potential female customers and drivers. This could increase the amount of total supply and demand of ride-hailing, which would lead to increasing profits for the industry. From a more theoretical (feminist STS) perspective, the forms and dynamics of ride-hailing apps can be seen as a reflection of the social and cultural environment of the ride-hailing companies. Any gender imbalances or gaps can thus be associated with corresponding