SECCION CARTELES PAGADOS
DECLARATORIA DE HERENCIA
Mustafa Kemal was born in the Greek city (then Ottoman) of Salonica in 1881. His family was outwardly Muslim but was very likely to have been Sabbatean.
The city of Salonica bears special significance to the Sabbateans, who are also known as Frankists and Donmeh (also doenme or doenmeh). The Sabbateans may be Jewish163
but are not recognized as such
by mainstream Jewish
communities.164 They are
accused of following Sabbetai
Zevi, who was considered to be a heretic. Zevi declared himself Messiah in 1666, and was taken to the Sultan. To avoid punishment, he outwardly embraced Islam and his followers did likewise.165 Rabbi Barry Chamish
even suggests that the Sabbateans are engaged in covert opposition to Jews and mainstream Judaism.166 There were probably 70,000
Sabbateans in Salonica, out of a total population of 100,000 at that time.167 They spoke a dialect of Spanish,168 and they trace their ancestry
to a group of Spanish Jews who were forced to leave Spain due to Christian persecution (the Inquisition). Ironically, some of them were active in the intrigues that brought down Moorish Spain, paving way for the Inquisition.
Salonica was identified as a source of the alien strains of intellectualism, such as secularism and nationalism, which were supplanted in the
163 They are considered by some to be descendants of the Sephardim who were
expelled from Spain following Christian takeover of the Islamic kingdoms. Avigdor Levy, The Jews of the Ottoman Empire (Princeton, 1994) 203-212, 215-273.
164 Joseph Hantman, “The Turkish Israeli Connection and its Jewish Roots,” Kulanu
quarterly newsletter summer 1999, Volume 6 Number 2, page 3.
165 Joachim Prinz, The Secret Jews (Random House, 1973) 111-122. 166 Barry Chamish, “Kerry, Gaza and the New Sabbatean Holocaust,”
barrychamish.com Published 09/02/04. An archived copy is available at: <http://www.redmoonrising.com/chamish/Feb04.htm#February%209> Accessed 09/10/06.
167 Quoting Vicomte Leon de Poncins in The Secret Powers behind the Revolution page
66, David M. Pidcock, Satanic Voices – Ancient and Modern Internet edition (Oldbrook, Milton Keynes: Mustaqim, 2002) 50.
168 Pidcock, Satanic Voices 51.
Ottoman Empire. For example, Tekin Alp, one of the main figures in the Pan-Turanian (Pan-Turkic) movement was a Salonican Sabbatean.169
A lot of insight into Mustafa Kemal’s Sabbatean background can be obtained from an article by journalist Hillel Halkin, which was published in a progressive New York based Jewish newspaper.170 The following
are some statements culled from the same source.
Very little is known about Kemal’s father, Ali Riza. Lord Kinross, in his 1964 book “Ataturk” even refers to Ali Riza as a “shadowy personality.”
Itamar Ben Avi, the son of Eliezer Ben-Yehuda (a pioneer of Hebrew revival) recalls an incident during his years as a journalist. He walked into a hotel in Jerusalem and came across Mustafa Kemal engaged in drinking. To quote “ 'I'd like to meet him,' I said, because the minute I looked at him I was startled by his piercing green eyes.” During this meeting, Kemal disclosed that he was a descendant of Sabbetai Zevi, and he was even able to recall a secret prayer of the Sabbateans. The prayer verse in question has been proved to be an authentic Sabbatean one.
According to Israel’s second President Yitzchak Ben-Zvi in his book on lost Jewish communities “The Exiled and the Redeemed (1950),” the Sabbateans engaged in wife swapping. Ben-Zvi writes, “There is reason to believe that this ceremony has not been entirely abandoned and continues to this day.”Halkin makes no reference to Kemal’s private life, which was fairly controversial as well. To quote Irfan and Margarete Orga’s account on Kemal’s early years (around 1903),
He tried to be a gay dog, and made the rounds of the brothels, followed respectable women in the streets, and showed a taste for homosexuals. But he formed no attachments. His body burned, for a woman or a boy, but his heart remained like an icicle. […] He felt at home with the prostitutes and the homosexuals because they were so much worse off than he. The underlying sadism of his nature came out. He never credited people with feelings since he had none himself – save the fundamental urge to conquer, and to see others submit to his will.171
169 Quoting The Times History of the War (Vol. III, 1914-18), The Times Printing
House, London, page 80. 169 Pidcock, Satanic Voices 52.
170 Hillel Halkin, “WHEN KEMAL ATATURK RECITED SHEMA YISRAEL - "It's
My Secret Prayer, Too," He Confessed,” Forward January 28th 1994. Several archived
versions are available on the internet.
Around 1913, Kemal was sent to Sophia as a Military Attache by Enver. Here he led a scandalous private life. To quote,
As once before, he found himself more at home with pimps and prostitutes, and lesser men whom he could wholeheartedly despise. With little work of importance at the Embassy he had plenty of time for gambling and womanizing. He drank to excess with the deferential pimps and homosexuals. He bedded with the town tarts, and then flew into passionate, brutal rages because he was wasting his time and his life. He contracted venereal disease and turned against women. For a time he contented himself with the young and fair of his own sex, while in the background Ali Fethi murmured awful warnings and tried, unsuccessfully, to bring him to his senses.172
On Kemal’s failure to develop relationships with women, the authors comment,
He had never loved a woman. He knew men, and was accustomed to command. He was used to the rough camaraderie of the Mess, the craze for a handsome young man, fleeting contacts with prostitutes. But the softer emotions had passed him by.173
As often as before, Mustafa Kemal took to drink, and was seen in the Pera nightclubs insulting all German officers within earshot, and ogling the light women. Drink brought out his brutality and his sensualism, and he avenged himself on chaperoned Fikriye with the prostitutes and pretty young boys who hung about the gambling dens. Soon he found himself mixed up with disgruntled misfits who spent their time plotting against the government. Less able than he to alter anything they were infinitely more dangerous, for whereas he fought for an ideal they fought for personal glory; or were in the pay of another country.174
During the war against the Greek invasion, Kemal indulged in scandalous conduct. To quote,
He lived alone at Can Kaya for a time, and took his pleasures where he found them. He often drank half the night with Osman or some handsome wild youth who had taken his fancy. He was frequently bored. He was always restless. He longed for an audience who would accept his self-eulogising and recognise his greatness. Despite his
172 Orga, Ataturk 52. 173 Orga, Ataturk 92. 174 Orga, Ataturk 95.
orgies he controlled the life of the Grand National Assembly with an eagle eye […].175
At the end of his career, he engaged in more scandalous conduct. To quote,
He gave strange parties to alleviate loneliness, where prostitutes acted as hostesses and copulation took place between courses. He seduced the wives of his opposers and his enemies. […] His targets were the rich and the safe and the highly respected.176
Mustafa Kemal’s first serious relationship was with his Sabbatean cousin Fikriye. Since she had an unimportant background, his mother prevented marriage. But Fikriye lived with Kemal like a wife, until she was struck by tuberculosis. Since she was no longer attractive as well, Kemal had her dispatched to a sanatorium in Germany. When Fikriye learnt of Kemal’s marriage to Latife later on, she returned to Can Kaya to meet Kemal, but was refused entry by Kemal’s adjutant, Rusuhi. The next morning, she was found dead near the gates of Can Kaya, with a bullet in her heart.177 The incident was hushed up.178
When Kemal was 41, he came across the 24 year old sophisticated and foreign educated Latife Usakligil, who offered him her home in Smyrna. He tried making a mistress out of her but Latife insisted on marriage.179
Realising that he could use Latife as a trophy wife to further his agenda on the “liberation” on Turkish women, Kemal married her. But his drinking habits and his visits to prostitutes soon shocked Latife.180 And
unlike Kemal, Latife was not anti-Islamic.181 Mustafa Kemal also turned
out to be a hypocrite on his claims to “liberate” Turkish women. To quote,
Mustafa Kemal was a morose, moody, and essentially earthy creature. His ideas for the country were firmly based on Western policy, but in his own home he was a despot, and remarkably old fashioned about a woman’s place. If there was to be any talking, he was to do it and Latife was expected to give him unqualified admiration.182
175 Orga, Ataturk 165. 176 Orga, Ataturk 252. 177 Orga, Ataturk 249. 178 Orga, Ataturk 249. 179 Orga, Ataturk 211. 180 Orga, Ataturk 226. 181 Orga, Ataturk 246. 182 Orga, Ataturk 247.
In 1980, a Turkish court banned publication of the letters and diaries of Latife Usakligil, Kemal’s wife of two years.183 The publication ban was
meant to come to an end in 2005 but was renewed by Turkish authorities. Some have speculated that Kemal’s affairs with men were a factor in their separation. Despite failure in his personal life, Kemal took it upon himself to transfer a number of young orphan girls from villages and small towns to Can Kaya, “to be taught the modern way of life.”184 There
were questions about his motives, and rumors grew that the girls were being used sexually.
In addition to Halkin, several other sources corroborate Kemal’s Sabbatean background.
Dr. Joachim Prinz refers to Mustafa Kemal and Djavid Bey as “ardent ‘doenmehs.’”185
A reference to Kemal being of Spanish-Jewish descent can be found in an American magazine.186From the very beginning, Mustafa Kemal showed strains of manipulativeness, accompanied with cynicism towards everyone other than himself. It is a peculiar trait of the secretive and the intriguers, to be cynical towards the rest of humanity. He had a tendency of looking down his nose at people whom he suspected of being more learned than him.187
His eyes were cold, and his malicious smile even irritated his friends.188
He was generally lonesome189 and sought to maintain superiority over
others by achieving academic distinction, rather than making friends. While he would later learn to conceal his cynicism in his public speeches, some aspects of this cynicism, such as his permanent smirk, became his hallmark.
Kemal’s first expression of political thought was badly written poetry with pantheistic undertones.190 Despite being an ardent supporter of any
anti-Sultan activity, Kemal was initially shunned from secret societies since he was seen as pushy and domineering, always trying to run the
183 BBC News, “Ataturk Diaries to remain secret,” BBC.com Published 04/02/05.
<http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/4235691.stm> Accessed 16/10/06.
184 Orga, Ataturk 273.
185 Joachim Prinz, The Secret Jews (Random House, 1973) 111-122. 186 The Literary Digest, October 14th 1922, page 50.
187 Irfan Orga & Margarete Orga, Ataturk (London: Michael Joseph, 1962) 14. 188 Orga, Ataturk 14.
189 Orga, Ataturk 18. 190 Orga, Ataturk 19.
show himself.191 He eventually joined a secret society called Vatan ve Hurriyat (Motherland and Liberty). Vatan ve Hurriyat may have been an
offshoot of Masonry, since its members greeted each other with special handclasps, secret passwords and signs.192 It is interesting to note the
similarity of the name of this secret society with those that propped up elsewhere in Europe. Liberty is an abstract notion, used and reused by the Powers that Be to the present day. And the call for “Motherland” is bound to elicit support from racists, chauvinists and the parochial. In the
Vatan ve Hurriyat, Kemal distinguished himself with his anti-Islamic
credentials.193
Interestingly, Kemal always feigned hostility towards the Germans. He advocated that they be kicked out, and their assets be frozen and confiscated.194 This was in 1903, long before the alliance with Germans
began to do more harm than good. His anti-German views would loudly echo throughout the rest of his career. But in practice, Kemal would display inconsistency. And on occasions, he would work with certain German officers without the slightest show of disapproval. For example, Kemal happily went to work for Von Sanders at Gallipoli, and never questioned his controversial leadership. It was as if Kemal only sought to create public spectacles of his anti-German views. If Kemal was highly placed in the echelons of the Powers that Be, he would have been privy to the intended outcome of the German alliance. And he would therefore try to secure his political future by being remembered for his foresight rather than step into a sinking ship. When the German Military Mission arrived in 1913, Kemal made the loudest protests and made sure all his protests were documented. When he became the hero of Gallipoli, he tried to become Minister of War by raising a storm of protest against Enver and the Germans. His protests against Falkenhayn amounted to insurrection. During Crown Prince Vahdettin’s visit to Germany, even the Kaiser195 and Marshall von Hindenburg196 were not spared from
Kemal’s anti-German sentiment. Similarly, he appeared to be privy to the disastrous plan of the Turkish Army running the nation in World War I, and made a point of creating spectacles that would identify himself with the peasants rather than the Army. To quote, “We shall bring the Turkish peasant to the same level. The peasant shall be the master of 191 Orga, Ataturk 20. 192 Orga, Ataturk 20. 193 Orga, Ataturk 21. 194 Orga, Ataturk 20. 195 Orga, Ataturk 116. 196 Orga, Ataturk 116.
Turkey.”197 As in the case of Russia, where the confused and bewildered
masses were used to destroy the existing order and supplant the domination of the Illuminati, the Turkish “peasants” were later on expected to play an analogous role. Unlike other groups, they certainly would not acquire the means to threaten Kemal. And Kemal was keen to maintain his access to the emerging political vehicle of peasant populism, rather than Enver’s Army, which would go down in infamy. Around the same time, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP; also known as “Young Turks.”) was gaining ground in Turkey. Kemal was quick to join the CUP. But he discovered that he could never rival the powerful personalities that dominated the CUP. He resigned claiming that military and politics should not mix.198 He refused a toast by German
Colonel von Andertin to the success of the Army in crushing the Albanian revolt, claiming that the Ottoman Army was not representative of the Turkish people.199 In an eerie prediction of the destruction of the
Ottoman Army and the emergence of a nationalist Turkish nation state amidst the Greek invasion, Kemal claimed in 1909, “…the day will come when the Turkish Army, not the Ottomans, will proclaim the independence of the Turkish nation, a day when all of us are soldiers in the field, fighting for a common cause: our own survival…”200 He
sneered at the distinct individualism of the Ottoman-Turkish culture, which contrasted with the servile domesticated culture of European countries. To quote, “How can I hope to make a nation out of them? They are as full of jealousy and hatred as a pampered woman surveying her rival. We shall never have peace.”201
As ringleader of Vatan ve Hurriyat, Kemal was arrested and detained. His military career would have been over, were it not for the generous second chance extended to him by Ismail Hakki Pasha, the Director General of Military Training.202 Hakki Pasha appointed Kemal to a
Cavalry Division in Syria, which was fighting a Druze insurrection.203
But once in Syria, Kemal once again organized a branch of Vatan ve
Hurriyat,204 and spent most of his time stirring new intrigues. But Kemal
realized that his intrigues would be of no avail in an outpost such as 197 Orga, Ataturk 54. 198 Orga, Ataturk 34. 199 Orga, Ataturk 35. 200 Orga, Ataturk 35. 201 Orga, Ataturk 189. 202 Orga, Ataturk 22. 203 Orga, Ataturk 23. 204 Orga, Ataturk 24.
Syria, and he secretly returned to Salonica on a leave of absence.205 In
Salonica, he turned his family home into a secret meeting center for anti- Sultan activity, and was eventually reported to the government by spies. When he learnt of an order for his arrest, he fled back to Syria. Ahmet Bey, an officer at the port of Jaffa posted him to a unit in Gaza and hindered Istanbul’s request for an arrest.206 Kemal busied himself in his
duties so that the affair would be forgotten, and was made a first-captain in July 1907. The same year, he managed to secure a transfer back to Salonica and was appointed to the staff of the Third Army Headquarters in Salonica. At Salonica, he sought to revive the Vatan ve Hurriyat. But when he discovered the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP; also known as “Young Turks.”) rising meteorically, he chose to join it again. It was at the CUP that Kemal first ran into Enver Pasha. Enver made it clear that Kemal could not waltz into the Central Committee of the CUP solely on account of his ambitions, and that he had to follow the same routine as everybody else.207 This was the beginning of Kemal’s
antipathy towards Enver. In response, Kemal began to make his presence felt, shouting down Enver and criticizing the Central Committee of the CUP.208 He was allowed to become a member of the Central Committee
in order to keep him from disrupting the affairs of the CUP.
When the Young Turks snatched power from Sultan Abdul Hamid II, Mustafa Kemal’s position catapulted. But he was still a background figure with no share of the glory, since unlike Enver, he took no personal risks in the coup. Enver had him posted in Libya to keep him away. But he returned to Salonica, and took part in putting down the anti-CUP revolt in Istanbul. But he was forced to return back to Salonica, while Enver soaked the limelight in Istanbul. At the 1909 annual meeting of the CUP at Salonica, Kemal tried to rid the CUP of its leading officers such as Enver, claiming (once again) that soldiering and politics should not mix, and insisting that officers who wanted to continue in the Party resign from the Army and vice versa.209 Since he realized that he had no
future in the Party in the presence of a dominant Enver, he offered his token resignation from the Party. But not many followed suit as he had expected. Since it was clear that he was directing more intrigues from Salonica, in 1911 Enver sent him to crush the Albanian revolt. The revolt was brutally crushed, but the Minister of War, Mahmut Shevket Pasha 205 Orga, Ataturk 25. 206 Orga, Ataturk 25. 207 Orga, Ataturk 26. 208 Orga, Ataturk 27. 209 Orga, Ataturk 34.
recalled him on charges that he was inciting his officers to revolt.210 He
had incited them on nationalist lines, and they cried the slogan “Turkey for Turks.”211 To prevent a future recurrence of such behaviour, he was
installed in the War Office, where he could be watched.212 He grew