Definición del producto

THE SOURCE

This important early account of pre-Hispanic Central Mexican customs, history, religion, and mythology is a copy, by André Thevet, the sixteenth- century French royal cosmographer, of a lost Spanish source. It is preserved in the Bibliothèque National, Paris (MSS Francais 19031) and was pub- lished with an introduction and notes by Édouard de Jonghe (Histoyre du

Mechique 1905). It served Thevet for over half of the material he incorpo-

rated in the section on Mexico in his most important work, the Cosmographie

Universelle (Paris, 1575): book XXII, chapters 15, 16, and 17 (for a detailed

collation of the two texts, see Jonghe 1906: 228–231).

De Jonghe (1906) concluded, after a careful study, that it was undoubt- edly based on a portion of the famous lost work of Fray Andrés de Olmos, the most important predecessor of Sahagún in compiling data on native culture. He pointed out a number of passages in Mendieta (1945, I, book II: passim), clearly based, by explicit statement, on Olmos, which parallel some of the material in the Histoyre so closely that some intimate connection must have existed between them. He concluded, therefore, that by some unknown means (possibly pirate capture, as with the Codex Mendoza, which also came into his possession) Thevet had obtained one of the Olmos manu- scripts that he partially translated, the Spanish original subsequently disap- pearing. De Jonghe also examined the problem of the date of composition of the original Spanish version. He interpreted a rather confused passage (Histoyre du Mechique 1905: 20) as indicating that it was 1543.

De Jonghe’s hypotheses concerning the nature of the lost prototype were generally accepted for some time, but eventually two students challenged his thesis. Joaquín Meade (1950: 385) pointed out that the author (Histoyre du

Mechique 1905: 15) stated that he had seen the province of Culiacan. Since

Olmos is not known to have visited this area at any time during his mission- ary career, Meade concluded that he could not possibly have been the direct author of the lost original manuscript. Garibay (1953–1954, II: 24, 47–48) seized on the same passage to suggest, following Rosales Mungía, that the author of the first portion of the work (chapters I–V) might have been Fray Marcos de Niza, the Franciscan who led Coronado into what became the U.S. Southwest. He proposed, therefore, that only the last portion (chap- ters VI–XI) might be derived from the lost Olmos.

As it stands now, the problem is far from solution. Certainly the strik- ingly parallel passages in the Histoyre and the Olmos-based sections in

CENTRAL MEXICO: NAHUATL 13 Mendieta indicate that at least some of the information found in the former must derive, directly or indirectly, from Olmos. The problem of the passage written by the eyewitness of Culiacan must be recognized, however, and might support Garibay’s composite authorship suggestion—without provid- ing specific evidence in favor of the Marcos de Niza hypothesis. Whoever was its original compiler, this source, particularly its last six chapters, is one of great value. This is exactly what one would expect if Olmos had had a hand in it, which I think is highly likely. Most importantly for our purposes, its version of the Basic Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl of Tollan Tale, in spite of some anomalous features, is one of the fullest and earliest extant.

THE TOPILTZIN QUETZALCOATL MATERIAL

The last two chapters of this fragment (X and XI) are entirely devoted to the TQ tale. The first, entitled “De ung idole, nomé Quetzalcoatl, de son origine, oeuvres et temps qui régna,” begins with the god Camaxtli (“Comachtli”) taking for a wife a goddess named Chimalma. She bore him some children, among whom was one called Quetzalcoatl, who was born in Michatlauhco (“Nichatlanco”). When his mother died in childbirth, he was taken to his grandfather and grandmother (unnamed), who raised him. Af- ter coming of age, he was taken to his father, but, because Quetzalcoatl was greatly loved by him, his brothers jealously hated him and began to plot his death. They led him by trickery to a great rock, called Tlachinoltepetl (“Chal- chonoltepetl”), “qui veult dire roche où l’on faict brusler.” There they left him and, descending, “mirent le feu à l’entour de la roche.” But Quetzalcoatl hid himself in a hole in the rock, and the brothers left thinking they had effectively disposed of him. Whereupon Quetzalcoatl emerged from his hid- ing place with a bow and arrows and shot and killed a deer. Taking it on his shoulders, he carried it to his father, reaching him before his brothers. The latter, arriving, were amazed on seeing him still alive, but they immediately began to plot his death in another fashion. This time they took him under a tree, and, after telling him that he would be able to shoot birds from there, they began shooting arrows at him. But, “comme il estoit discret,” he fell to the ground, only feigning death. Seeing this, his brothers again left for home. Then Quetzalcoatl got up and killed a rabbit, once more taking it to his father before his brothers arrived. His father, suspecting what his brothers were up to, asked him where they were. He replied that they were coming and went with his father to another house. Meanwhile, his brothers arrived. When their father asked them where their brother was, they replied that he was coming. He then accused them of wanting to kill their brother. An- gered, the brothers decided to commit patricide, taking him to a mountain. The deed committed, they went to Quetzalcoatl and induced him to believe that his father had been transformed into a rock. They also persuaded him to make sacrifices and offerings to the rock, “comme lions, tigres, aigles, biches

TOPILTZIN QUETZALCOATL 14

et papillons,” in order to create the opportunity of killing him—since they knew that he would be unable to find these creatures. Upon his refusal to obey, they again attempted to dispose of him, but he escaped, fleeing under a tree, “ou, qui est plus veresemblable, sus la mesme roche, et à coups de flèches les tua touts.” His malevolent brothers accounted for, Quetzalcoatl’s vassals, “qui l’aimoynt fort, le vindrent quérir honorablement,” extracted the brains from his brothers’ skulls, made drinking cups from the skulls, and proceeded to get very drunk.

From there they migrated “à terre de Mechique.” After residing for a few days in Tollantzinco, they continued on to Tollan. They did not yet know, however, what it was to sacrifice, and, “comme il [Quetzalcoatl] aporta l’usaige du sacrifice, fut tenu pour dieu, aux quels il enseigna beaucoup de bonnes choses, temples pour luy et aultres choses, et dura 160 ans pour dieu en ce païs.”

Chapter XI is titled “De la venue de Tezcatlipuca à Tula et de comme fit fuir Queçalcoatl.” Quetzalcoatl had been living very comfortably in Tollan, adored as a god. Then, “comme la vérité no se peult long temps tenir cachée,” it happened that another god arrived in Tollan, Tezcatlipoca. Envious of Quetzalcoatl, he tried to do harm to the people of the city, who adored him along with Quetzalcoatl. He entered Tollan disguised as a pauper and con- stantly transformed himself into different shapes, frightening the inhabit- ants and Quetzalcoatl, who feared Tezcatlipoca because he possessed superior power. One day, Tezcatlipoca came to the temple of Quetzalcoatl, where a number of attendants guarded an altar with an effigy of the latter and a mirror, “que les Indiens estimoynt beaucoup; car, selon que Queçalcoatl leur avoyt faict croire par le moien de ce mirouer, toutes les foys qu’ils auroint à faire de pluie, et luy demanderoynt avec ce mirouer, il leur baillaroynt.” Tezcatlipoca entered the temple and, finding the attendants asleep, he went straight to the altar, stole the mirror, hiding it beneath “une pallace” where they were sleeping, and departed unawares. The guards awakened, discovered their loss, and searched in vain for the mirror. Then Tezcatlipoca encoun- tered an old woman on the road and told her to go to the temple and inform the guards that what they were searching for was under their mat, “et tu seras bien aimée d’eux,” which the old woman did.

Meanwhile, Tezcatlipoca transformed himself into several different ani- mals and monsters, attempting to frighten the people. He also had his hair cut, “ce que les Indiens n’avoynt jamais veu.” He went again to the temple of Quetzalcoatl, where he destroyed his effigy, smashing it and hurling it to the ground. Still transforming himself into various shapes, he struck the atten- dants, “et touts ceux de Tula, qui voiant cela se en fuirent et laissèrent la vile, et Queçalcoatl voiant ceci oust pour et se enfuit aussi avecques quelques unga serviteurs,” which greatly pleased his adversary.

CENTRAL MEXICO: NAHUATL 15 Quetzalcoatl fled to Tenanyocan (“Tenacuia”), where he lived for some time. From there he went to Colhuacan (“Cullinacan”), where he also re- sided a long time, but how long was not known. He then passed over the mountains and came to Cuauhquechollan (“Quantiquechula”), where he raised up a temple and “ung haustel pour soy,” and was adored as the sole god, living there 290 years. He left a lord there, named Mactlacxochitl (“Maclalchochitl”), and continued on to Cholollan (“Acholula”), where he stayed 160 years. There they built him a very magnificent temple, “du quel il y a encore grand partie; car estoyt bien basti et beau, le qual les géans avoyt faict.” From there he went to Cempohuallan, “vile principale en la mer de Espaigne, où premier arriva le marquis Don Cortès, quand il alla en ce païs; mais, à présant est toute desmolie, comme les Espaignols ont facit à beaucoup de aultres.” Here he lived for 260 years. Finally, Tezcatlipoca pursued him even to here. Seeing himself so persecuted by his old rival, he fled into a desert. There he “tirat un coup de flèche à ung arbre, et se mit de dans le partuis de la flèche, et ainsi mourut.” His attendants cremated him, “et de là demeura la coustume de brusler les corps morts.” From the smoke that issued from his body was created “une grande estoyle que se appelle Hesper.” Then it is stated, as a postscript, that Quetzalcoatl “n’eust jamais femme ni enfens,” and a variant account of his disappearance is mentioned: “Aultres disent que quand il devoyt mourir sen alla en ung lieu . . .” This final last sentence is unfinished, for here the manuscript ends. Perhaps “nomée Tlapala,” or some such, com- pleted it, but this is only speculation (Histoyre du Mechique 1905: 34–38). Earlier, in chapter IV (19), is a passage concerned with the origin of the Colhuaque, which, although Quetzalcoatl is not specifically named, is rel- evant to our theme:

Mais tournant au poinct que avions oublié de la venue de ceux de Culhua qui est à deux lieues du Mechique. Ceux disent avoyr esté du costé des Mechiquiens, les quels demeurant à Culiacan (du quel nous avons ici desus parlé). Une compaignie de eux estoyt sortie combatre contre quelques aultres et quand ils furent de retour, leur seigneur ne se contentant pas de ce qu’ils avoynt faict ne les voulut pas recevoir, par quoy estant contraincts de chercher lieu où demeurer se en alèrent à Tula qui est à douze lieues de Mechique, et aiant demeuré là quelque temps, leur seigneur mourut et fut eslu en son lieu ung aultre nomé Vamac, le quel estant seigneur appareut une vision en le peuple de ung homme qui sembloyt toucher le ciel de sa teste, de quoi ce seigneur et tout ce peuple espouvantés s’en sortirent du lieu, et vindrent à Culhua qui est à deux lieues de Mechique.

“Vamac,” of course, is Huemac; while the unnamed “seigneur” might well be Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl.

TOPILTZIN QUETZALCOATL 16

SUMMARY

(1) Quetzalcoatl is born at Michatlauhco to Camaxtli and Chimalma, who dies in childbirth; (2) he is taken to his (maternal?) grandparents, who raise him; (3) when of age, he joins his father and brothers, but the latter, envious of the special love his father bears him, plot to kill him; (4) after two unsuccessful attempts, Camaxtli, his suspicions aroused, accuses them of nefarious intent, whereupon they commit patricide; (5) a third attempt on Quetzalcoatl is also frustrated, and he kills his attackers; (6) his vassals render him homage and celebrate the demise of his brothers by drinking to excess from cups manufactured from their skulls; (7) Quetzalcoatl then leads his people to “the land of Mexico,” stopping over briefly at Tollantzinco, then proceeding on to Tollan, where, after he has instructed them in the ritual of sacrifice, he is worshipped as a god, remaining celibate throughout his life; (8) Quetzalcoatl’s happy reign of 160 years is interrupted by the appearance of a rival, the god Tezcatlipoca, who is bent on mischief; (9) after disguising himself as a pauper, transforming himself into various fear- ful shapes, stealing and hiding Quetzalcoatl’s powerful rain-producing magic mirror, and destroying his effigy in the temple dedicated to him, Tezcatli- poca succeeds in his goal of driving Quetzalcoatl and his people from Tollan; (10) the latter and a few attendants travel to Tenanyocan, where they reside for some time, then to Colhuacan for an even longer time, then over the mountains to Cuauhquechollan, where Quetzalcoatl successfully establishes himself, adored as their sole god, for 290 years; (11) leaving behind a lord named Matlacxochitl, Quetzalcoatl moves on to Cholollan, where the great pyramid, built by the giants, is raised in his honor; (12) after 160 years in Cholollan, he flees to Cempohuallan, where he resides 260 years before his old antagonist, Tezcatlipoca, arrives to further persecute him; (13) in de- spair, he flees into the desert and, apparently, dies after shooting himself with an arrow; (14) his servitors cremate his body, which establishes this custom ever after; (15) from the smoke that pours from his body the planet Venus is created; (16) according to another version, he went to a place (called Tlapallan?); (17) in an earlier passage, a figure who probably corre- sponds to Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl is succeeded as ruler by Huemac, who, terrified by a phantasm, abandons Tollan and travels to Colhuacan (of the Basin of Mexico), with his people.

COMMENT

This account of the birth, life, and death of our hero is one of the most comprehensive that has survived, in spite of gaps and a certain sketchiness in some places in the narrative. For the most part, the French translation appears to have been essentially faithful, at least in catching the sense, al- though many of the Nahuatl words are quite corrupted. On the whole, it

CENTRAL MEXICO: NAHUATL 17 lines up fairly well with the other accounts in this section but does present some interesting variants. Of Camaxtli’s earlier deeds and the nature of his encounter with Chimalma, we are told nothing. The place of Quetzalcoatl’s birth, Michatlauhco, is only found in this source. Also unique to it are his misadventures with his brothers, the slayers of his father, rather than his father’s brothers, which is standard. Since it seems unlikely that a transla- tion slip was involved (tio versus hermano), we are probably confronted here with a genuine variant. Its general resemblance to the biblical Joseph and his brothers’ tale is interesting and perhaps significant. Anything that has come down to us through the intermediation of the early missionaries must always be critically examined for possible Christian influence—and this may well apply to this case.

The skull cup incident after the killing of the evil brothers is also unique to this source. But it is told so tersely that its significance, assuming it has any over and above the obvious, is difficult to gauge. Although Quet- zalcoatl is nowhere explicitly named ruler of Tollan, this must be assumed. Actually, the emphasis is more on his deification and his being worshipped during his lifetime, before his flight from the city. However, his role as leader of a migrating group who first reached Tollantzinco, then Tollan, is also highlighted. His persecution by Tezcatlipoca basically follows the stan- dard pattern, but a number of interesting new incidents are introduced, particularly that involving the magic, rain-making mirror. Quetzalcoatl’s “flight” also roughly follows the usual route, but his incredibly long resi- dences at each place are unique. Gross chronological exaggeration is gener- ally characteristic of this account. His terminus at Cempohuallan is also unique to this source, as well as the special, apparently self-inflicted manner of his demise.

It is difficult, if not impossible, to pinpoint the source of this version. Assuming it is derived from Olmos, it could have originated in various cen- ters within a wide area of Central Mexico. “Mexico, Tezcuco, Tlaxcala, Huexotzinco, Cholula, Tepeaca, Tlalmanalco y las demás cabeceras” are spe- cifically named by Mendieta (1945, I: 83) as towns where Olmos gathered information. The use of the sole name, Camaxtli, for Quetzalcoatl’s father might point to Tlaxcallan or some Pueblan center, but a Basin of Mexico provenience can probably be supported by more cogent arguments. As we saw, even in a source as genuinely Mexica as the Historia de los Mexicanos por

sus pinturas, Camaxtli is employed in addition to Mixcoatl. All we can be

certain of is that it certainly derives from the tradition of some important Nahuatl-speaking community of Central Mexico. If the original Spanish manuscript translated by Thevet, or, better, the lost Olmos itself is ever discovered, perhaps the matter can be resolved.

TOPILTZIN QUETZALCOATL 18