This dissertation began by introducing several important concepts in particular “Islamic fundamentalism”. Critically, chapter 1 concluded by arguing that since the mid-1990s, British fundamentalist Muslims had organised themselves into a socio- political movement utilising religion as the basis for mobilisation. Chapter 2 examined how this de-facto Islamic fundamentalist movement emerged and became prevalent in Muslim communities across the UK. Notably, the second chapter identified how certain key events towards the end of the century, ensured the ideologues of Islamic fundamentalism, and enjoyed a highly receptive audience in the Muslim communities of London, Luton, Birmingham and Leeds. The previous chapter exhaustively detailed the fundamentalist political ideology from analysis of an archive of literature published towards the end of the 1990s. Influenced by the narratives that constitute this political ideology, fundamentalists based in the UK participated in a variety of activities in furtherance of their strategic goals, primarily to re-establish an Islamic Caliphate governed according to Sharia. Chapter 4 now presents an in-depth examination of the five most important activities carried out by fundamentalist Muslims in the UK. Participation in recruitment, preaching, facilitation, jihad, and logistical support, help immerse British Muslims in the politics associated with the fundamentalist movement. For a minority, this process develops in them the mindset necessary to pursue terrorism.
Ideologies, concepts, associations and affiliations require a continuous flow of new supporters, especially when they promote armed conflict as a core activity. Recruitment to the Islamic fundamentalist movement is both organic and targeted. Observing publicity surrounding fundamentalists groups such as al-muhajiroun and Islam4UK, predominantly young British Muslims attend public events and often willingly submit to “radicalisation” by preachers like Anjem Choudary and Omar Bakri Mohammed. In contrast with the organic pathway, targeted recruitment occurs when existing members deliberately use a variety of social networks to identify often- vulnerable Muslims whom they engage with and encourage in the adoption of fundamentalist Islam. For example, at the mosque, sports club or community centre, recruiters identify Muslims showing a devout appreciation of Islam. Privately, the recruiter will then approach the individual, inviting them to attend a religious-political
meeting, typically held in a domestic home. At this location, experienced members of the fundamentalist movement will discuss the war that is raging between Islam and the west and how it falls upon all Muslims to volunteer for jihad in order to fight back.
Following the discussion on how the movement recruits Muslims, the second section of this chapter examines political indoctrination of new members through the art of preaching. Charismatic individuals continuously promote the movement’s core political ideology through a complex set of well-argued narratives. Referred to as ‘radicalisation’, this activity does not begin in basement of a mosque or front room of a fundamentalist preacher. The necessarily precursors are innocently laid by moderate preachers through sermons and lectures discussing the plight of co-religionists around the world. Debates concerning war and occupation in the Middle East, Northern Africa, and Chechnya raise awareness amongst moderate Muslims and encourage them to appreciate how they are not alone in the world. Moderate Imams at the mosque will suggest prayer and donations to reputable charities helping to alleviate the suffering. However, thoroughly primed with a belief that Islam is under threat, British Muslims become far more receptive to political narratives promoted by the fundamentalist movement.
Highly charged with a strong sense of idealism about how the world should be, British Muslims will commonly express an interest in pursuing jihad. The third section of this chapter therefore concerns the process of facilitation. Specifically, the practice in which experienced fundamentalists support fellow Muslims by helping them to gain access to training camps overseas. An important activity, facilitation can range from a basic introduction to full-scale sponsorship of a potential jihadist. Those who facilitate jihad may simply provide a piece of paper, one that vouches for the bearer and gives them entry to an overseas training camp. At the other end of the spectrum, more dedicated facilitators with greater connections may offer the complete package whereby a recruit is both financed and given an itinerary to follow after arriving in Pakistan, Somalia, Yemen etc.
Following on from the examination of facilitation, the fourth section of this chapter presents a detailed account of what it means to actually pursue jihad. Holy war fought against the enemies of God is an obligation taken seriously by all able fundamentalist Muslims, an activity universally recognised as the most rewarding of
all earthly deeds. It is believed by many that there is no more glorious a death than to fall on the battlefield. This is certainly true of the hundreds of British Muslims that have travelled to Syria since 2010 to participate in the overthrow of President Assad in order to help establish the Caliphate. It is important to understand jihad as an act separate to terrorism – the distinction is clear in the minds of those who pursue it. However, not all members of the fundamentalist movement are physically able to participate in jihad. Harsh living conditions common to the mountainous, tribal regions of Afghanistan compounded by the constant threat of western counter insurgency initiatives make this activity particularly challenging. Those willing to brave this environment and wage war against coalition forces, often require support in terms of finance and equipment. The final section of the chapter therefore looks at the important activity of fundraising and sending equipment to those in pursuit of jihad.
Financing of foreign jihadists became far more high profile in 2014 when Police arrested two young British Muslim girls attempting to smuggle thousands of pounds to fighters in Syria.1 Extreme fundamentalists that have pursued terrorism in the UK over the last ten years, previously sent finance and equipment to the Taliban on a regular basis. This facilitation network enabled the men to later gain the training needed to construct improvised explosive devices. Consequently, after the 2005 London bombings, the British government made it a priority to clamp down heavily on those who financed foreign insurgencies. Success has been limited and today, funds raised in the Muslim community continue to enable the purchase of arms and logistical equipment used by mujahedeen all around the world.
This chapter continues now by examining the five most common activities carried out by members of the Islamic fundamentalist movement in the UK. In the absence of these activities, fewer British Muslims would be encouraged to adopt an extremist political ideology. Therefore, if policy makers can better understand the process by which British Muslims begin down a pathway that may eventually lead them to the front line in Afghanistan and more recently Syria, they have a much stronger chance of preventing future generations from following suit. The first activity
1 M. Prynee, ‘Student tried to smuggle £16,500 in her underwear to Syrian fighters, court hears’, The Telegraph Online, 24th January 2014,
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/law-and-order/10593999/Student-tried-to- smuggle-16500-in-her-underwear-to-Syrian-fighters-court-hears.html, (accessed 7th November 2014)
now considered is recruitment of moderate Muslims to the fundamentalist movement by existing members.