DESCRIPCIÓN DE PROYECT 3. OBJETIVOS Y RESULTADOS

Studies on child domestic work suggest that the health and wellbeing of the workers depend on the work tasks included in the work, conditions of the work and terms of employment (Blagbrough & Glynn, 1999).

The work tasks that present occupational health risks and can influence the health of the child are linked to the nature of domestic work. Work tasks such as handling of cleaning products without protective gear can lead to respiratory problems (ILO-IPEC, 2011). Another example is extreme workloads and heavy lifting that, for a child who is still growing, may cause future musculoskeletal problems (Benach, Muntaner, & Santana, 2007).

Working conditions of CDWs are highly dependent on the urge and control of the employer as the work is taking place in the employer’s private household. The young worker is thus more vulnerable as the working conditions are based on the dependent relationship between the child and the employer (UNICEF, 1999). Evidence further shows that working conditions may jeopardize the health of the worker due to the withholding of payments, the lack of time for rest and, generally poor living standards (Black, 1997).

The terms of child domestic work involve formalisation, or lack of formalisation, of the child’s work, whether the work is considered actual work with agreed salary, days off and maximum working hours as the case in most other work sectors (ILO, 2012a). One reported obstacle to the formalisation of child domestic work is the relationship between the working child and employer; wherein the child is often situated in a ‘grey zone’ as she is neither considered a proper worker-employee nor a family member (Blagbrough, 2008a). The specific terms of child domestic work are difficult to control due to its closed nature as it takes place in the employer’s private household, which makes it easier for exploitation and abuse of the child (ILO-IPEC, 2004). Furthermore, the closed nature of domestic work makes it difficult for the child to interact and socialise with peers, which may generate increased feelings of isolation (Human Rights Watch, 2009).

Studies on the wellbeing of CDWs mainly assess psychosocial impacts of the work (Gamlin, Camacho, Ong, Guichon, et al., 2013; Gamlin, Camacho, Ong, & Hesketh, 2013; Hesketh et

al., 2012). A multi-study among CDWs conducted in Peru, Costa-Rica, Tanzania, Togo, India and the Philippines concluded that attending school, having contact with family, having decent working conditions, having access to social support, and maintaining a general good health contributed to the psychosocial wellbeing of CDWs (Gamlin, Camacho, Ong, Guichon, et al., 2013). Factors such as an employer’s limiting or prohibiting of contact with the young worker’s family are shown to increase the feeling of helplessness and isolation (Gamlin, Camacho, Ong, Guichon, et al., 2013). The extent to which the employer regulates the worker’s life can lead to a low level of autonomy, which is argued to yield low self-esteem and self-value, both of which are important aspects of the psychosocial wellbeing of CDWs (Gamlin, Camacho, Ong, Guichon, et al., 2013). The age of entry into work is another factor that may affect the wellbeing of the child, as very young children are assumed to be less able to negotiate their rights with employers (Black, 2002). Gamlin et al. found that India together with Togo and Tanzania had the earliest age of CDW engagement with an age of six, compared with the average age of 12.3 among the other study countries (Gamlin, Camacho, Ong, & Hesketh, 2013).

Additionally, the child is frequently a migrant, having transited far away from home with little or no support network and limited or no contact with her family, which can add to the feeling of isolation (Camacho, 1999). Some children may have made their own decision to work and others may have been forced to work, as illustrated by above ILO statistics, indicating cases of bonded labour or trafficking situations among CDWs (see Section 3: Child domestic work in India in this chapter).

Working may further be an obstacle to education for children, particularly for girls in societies where girls’ education is less valued, which may pose a barrier to the intellectual development of the child as well as future work opportunities (Assaad, Levison, & Zibani, 2010; Webbink, Smits, & de Jong, 2012).

4.1.1 Occupational hazards

Evidence indicates that child domestic work often includes a wide range of household chores, many of which may be either beyond the capacity of a child or pose dangers to them. For example, children may be required to operate appliances for which they may not be sufficiently trained (Blagbrough, 2008a). Handling toxic chemicals, such as cleaning products, without protective gear may also jeopardize children’s health. Studies have found symptoms of respiratory tract infections and skin diseases, indicating that exposure to toxic chemicals may be common among CDWs (Banerjee et al., 2008). Evidence further suggests that burns

and cuts from cooking and ironing are recurrent problems for CDWs (Human Rights Watch, 2005a) underscoring the risks involved for children when handling sharp kitchen appliances and boiling liquids. Especially small children may be at risk from handling heavy pots, for example working at stoves that are too tall for them.

Adding to occupational risk exposures is the potential poor access to medical care in general or the refusal of access to medical attention by employers, particularly in the case of injuries.

In the few studies that address health, seeking medical treatment is not discussed as common practice in the employing households (Save the Children, 2006, 2007).

4.1.2 Risk of abuse

The types of abuse commonly reported among CDWs are physical, psychological and sexual abuse. Increasing evidence suggests that acts of violence towards CDWs are common practice. Examples of reported acts of violence are beating, kicking, whipping, pinching, scolding, rejection of food and extreme workload (Blagbrough, 2008b; Lee, 2006).

Blagbrough explains that the fact that employers function as a parental substitute, coupled with the private nature of the work sphere, can serve to justify the use of physical violence as a mean of punishment and discipline (Blagbrough, 2008a). Segal describes how corporal punishment is culturally and socially accepted in India and reflects adult attitudes that this is a correct way to discipline children, particularly in middle-class households (Segal, 1995).

This practice of punishment is consistent with the level of child abuse in India, principally prevalent among girls, in general (Kacker et al., 2007), and among working girls in particular (B. R. Sharma & Gupta, 2004).

Gamlin et al. found in their multi-country study in Costa Rica, India, Peru, the Philippines, Tanzania and Togo that India had the highest reported cases of physical abuse among CDWs (Gamlin, Camacho, Ong, Guichon, et al., 2013). Save the Children reports similar findings in a study conducted in the state of West Bengal, where approximately 70% of the workers had experienced physical abuse and in 41.5% of the cases, the abuser was reported to belong to the employing household (Save the Children, 2006). Hesketh et al. report similar trends of high levels of physical punishment, where CDWs in India had experienced higher levels than those reported among CDWs in the Philippines (Hesketh et al., 2012).

Commonly reported examples of psychological abuse among CDWs in the scholarly literature are: discrimination; isolation; low pay or no pay; debt bondage situations; degrading treatment; little or no social interaction with peers and family; confinement; no or limited

free time; deception and false promises; restricted personal space; substandard living conditions; forced dependency on employers; and lack of autonomy (Hesketh et al., 2012;

UNJPHT, 2012; Woodhead, 2004). In a comparative study conducted by Hesketh et al. among CDWs in India and the Philippines, children in India disliked their work and gained less pride from it compared with children in the Philippines (Hesketh et al., 2012). This may be due to that the Indian CDWs reported higher levels of abuse and had lower levels of social support than the Filipino CDWs. Woodhead argues that children’s dissatisfaction with their work is a main contributor to poor psychosocial wellbeing among working children (Woodhead, 2004).

Another factor leading to poor psychosocial health is the practice of withholding food (Hesketh et al., 2012), which may be a frequent form of punishment, as malnutrition is reported to be prevalent in the literature on CDWs in India (Banerjee et al., 2008). This type of deprivation or punishment may also be gender-related, as the prevalence of malnutrition is reportedly higher among working girls in India compared with boys (V. Sharma et al., 1995).

Increasing evidence shows an augmented risk of sexual abuse for CDWs due to the closed nature of the work as well as power inequalities between employer and employee. It is primarily girls who report sexual abuse, though there are few reports of boy CDWs indicating acts of sexual abuse as well (UNJPHT, 2012). A study conducted in West Bengal among CDWs report that the types of sexual abuse include children being: ‘touched on private body parts,’

‘forced to touch the abusers private body parts,’ ‘forced to watch pornography’ and ‘forced to have sexual intercourse’ (Save the Children, 2006, p. 20). The same study concludes that the abuser, in most sexual offenses, belongs to the employing household or is an acquaintance of the employer (Save the Children, 2006).

Sexual abuse also increases the child’s risk of sexually transmitted infections, including, Human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and Acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS), which is argued to be an unexplored health concern among CDWs (Flores-oebanda, 2006).

Unwanted pregnancies are also a concern in cases of sexual abuse. Additionally, girl domestic workers who become pregnant face the risk of being expelled by the employing household.

Early pregnancy among CDWs is a serious health hazard in itself and is also reportedly a gateway into commercial sex work (Flores-oebanda, 2006).