4. Campos tensoriales
4.1.4. Diferenciabilidad y parametrizaciones
The formation of the unity government was tortuous. The Churches of Zimbabwe played a critical role in bringing the antagonistic principles to the negotiating table. The seating president had indicated during his campaigning speeches for the harmonized elections that he was pre- pared to hold talks with the opposition MDC with the view to form an all-inclusive government after the elections. This was probably based on the understanding that the MDC was going to fare quite well against ZANU PF, a development which would call for the formation of such a government. Mugabe was also aware of the fact that ZANU PF had failed the economy that its chances of resuscitating it alone were non- existent.
Mugabe’s main concern was to hold on to power regardless of the con- sequences thereof. However, at this juncture, Mugabe had been forced into checkmate that he had to revisit his consistent and iron-clad intoler- ance for opposition politics which can be dated back to the Matabeleland massacres. After the announcement of the results of the run-off “elec- tions”, secret meetings were held between Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mu- tambara (President of the smaller MDC faction which defected from the MDC following internal misunderstandings). These talks resulted in the singing of the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between the three formations on Monday 21 July 2008. The SADC appointed media- tor, former president of South Africa Thabo Mbeki played a pivotal role in the singing of the MOU. The MOU was to build the agenda for full- scale talks between the three formations and it was agreed that the talks were to be completed within three weeks following the singing of the GNU.
The formations agreed that the talks were to be concluded within two weeks of the signing of the MOU. The MOU was predicated on the shared understanding that the formation of an all-inclusive government was the only way of extricating Zimbabwe from its economic and politi- cal crisis. Given the antagonism which existed between the MDC and ZANU PF in general and Tsvangirai and Mugabe in particular, the peo- ple of Zimbabwe had never envisioned a situation whereby the two par- ties could settle for talks. The signing of the MOU raised much hope among the people of Zimbabwe.
The MOU built a foundation which witnessed the holding of a series of meetings between the three political parties. The parties agreed that
there be created a position for the Prime Minister. However, internecine disputes ensued as ZANU PF and MDC-T disagreed on the duties and powers of the Prime Minister and President. This derailed progress. The MDC wanted the Prime Minister to have more powers than the Presi- dent whereas ZANU PF wanted the President to have more powers than the Prime minister. These disagreements mainly stemmed from the fact that the parties were negotiating from two different platforms. The MDC based its argument on the understanding that Tsvangirai had won the 29 March harmonized elections while ZANU PF maintained that Mugabe had won the 27 June run-off “elections”.
The talks collapsed a number of times as a result of these disagree- ments. However, as compromises continued to be made, the parties finally made an agreement and on 15 September 2008 and an agreement to form an all-inclusive government was singed. This agreement was signed before the parties agreed on the allocation of ministries. Talks on the allocation of ministries began and the parties agreed that ZANU PF allocated fourteen ministries, MDC-Tsvangirai thirteen ministries and MDC-Mutambara three ministries.
Mugabe initially allocated the ministries as follows: ZANU PF was allo- cated the Ministries of Defense, Home Affairs, Foreign Affairs, Trans- port, Local Government and Urban Development, Mines and Mining Development, Lands, Agriculture and Resettlement, Environment, Natu- ral Resources and Tourism, Higher and Tertiary Education, Small and Medium Enterprises and Co-operative Development, Justice and Legal Affairs, Media, Information and Publicity, Women Affairs, Gender and Community Development, Finance, Youth Development, Indigenization and Empowerment.
MDC Tsvangirai was allocated the Ministries of Constitutional and Par- liamentary Affairs, Economic Planning and Investment Promotion, Energy and Power Development, Health and Child Welfare, Labor and Social Welfare, Water Resources and Development Management, Public Service, Sport, Arts and Culture, State Enterprises and Parastatals, Sci- ence and Technology Development, Information Communication Tech- nology, Public Works, National Housing and Social Amenities. The MDC-Mutambara was allocated the Ministries of Education, Industry and Commerce and Regional Integration and International Co-opera- tion. As is evident from the list, ZANU PF scooped all the powerful
ministries leaving the MDC with ministries whose main tasks are to restore the economy of Zimbabwe.
This caused a heated and protracted disagreement between the two parties. The talks to share the ministries collapsed a number of times with Tsvangirai boycotting some of them. The talks culminated in the holding of the SADC extraordinary summit on 19 November 2008. The summit resolved that an inclusive government be formed immediately thereafter with the two parties co-sharing the much disputed Ministry of Home Affairs. The MDC, which had hoped that SADC will pressure Mugabe to cede the Ministry of Home Affairs to it, disagreed with SADC’s position and refused to join the unity government. Tsvangirai threatened to withdraw from the talks and he left the country for Bot- swana where he stayed for some time.
Mugabe made it clear that his party was not going to make any further compromises as far as the talks were concerned. He threatened to form a government without Tsvangirai but the threat was less credible. It was at this time that regional pressure mounted against Tsvangirai to join the inclusive government. Even Zambia, which has been severely critical of Mugabe’s sincerity in the power sharing deal, had its biggest daily newspaper (The Post) on 2 December 2008 “warning” Tsvangirai that should he continue to refrain from joining the unity government, “the tide of African public opinion may soon shift against him, and with it a decline in his political fortunes”. Talks resumed again in Zimbabwe and they collapsed. In January 2009, talks were held in South Africa and the parties finally agreed to form an inclusive government in February 2009.