During a remarkable reign that spanned three decades, the Parthian Empire became fully consolidated at its greatest territorial extent under Mithradates II (c. 121-91 BC). Its borders stretched from the River Euphrates in the west to the satrapies of Bactria, Drangiana, Sakastan and Arachosia in the east. In the south and west of the empire, the Arsacid king nominally held sway over the kingdoms of Persis, Elymais and Characene; and in the north-west, he asserted his power in Media Atropatene and neighbouring Armenia. Diplomatic ties were formalised with Rome across the Euphrates, and with China beyond 510 Justin, 41.2.4. 511 Strabo, 11.13.1. 512 Plutarch Crassus, 24.1-2, perhaps referring to cataphract armour. The general Surena, a member
of the Suren family, perhaps drew these warriors from his homeland of Sakastan in eastern Iran (modern Sistan).
the Oxus. By 109 BC, after a little more than a decade on the throne, Mithradates II was known as the ‘Great King of Kings’ – the first since the demise of the final Achaemenid ‘King of Kings’, Artaxerxes V, at the hands of Alexander in 329 BC. It was during this period that ideas about the ruling dynasty’s heritage, kingship and legitimacy took on a uniquely Parthian form in the coin iconography and legends.
Mithradates II’s inaugural tetradrachms from Seleucia (S24.1-8) sent out a clear message concerning his political ideology and policy. The portrait on the obverse displayed the king facing to the left in the Arsacid fashion (whilst preceding Arsacid kings had followed the right-facing example of the Seleucid kings at this mint, compare Figures 10-12, 14 and 17). 513 This subtle change
matched Mithradates II’s portrait on his Seleucian tetradrachms to that on his drachms that were minted in great numbers in the heartland of his empire across the Iranian Plateau (Figure 18). Moreover, whilst earlier Arsacid kings had preserved Seleucia’s Hellenistic coin iconography (principally depicting an enthroned Tyche holding a winged Nike on the reverse designs), Mithradates II boldly removed these Greek deities from his tetradrachms and replaced them with the iconic Parthian seated archer.514 Although Mithradates I had
propagated his policy of philhellenism in this city some decades earlier, Mithradates II now sought to mark Seleucia-on-the-Tigris as an Arsacid domain. 513 The change of direction from right to left had been carried out by Arsaces I as a simple means to distinguish his coins types from Seleucid types; see S1-S2, Figures 2-3. Under Mithradates I, the S12 coin series from Ecbatana shows the king facing right in the Seleucid fashion; this series, particularly its reverse iconography, was heavily influenced by Seleucid types that had been minted in Ecbatana in previous years under Demetrius I and Alexander I. For example, compare the Dioscuri-themed reverse designs on bronze units of the Parthian Mithradates I and the Seleucid Demetrius I; S12.19; Houghton, Lorber & Hoover (2008), no. 1746, pl 74. Mithradates I’s S13 silver coin issues from Seleucia also show his portrait facing to the right in the established Seleucid fashion (Figures 9-10). Phraates II’s S15-S16 coinage from Media and further east shows him turned to the left in Arsacid fashion (Figure 13), while on his S14 and S17 silver issues from Seleucia and Susa he is shown facing the right in Seleucid fashion (Figures 11-12). The same distinction is seen on Artabanus I’s coinage from the Iranian highlands, with the royal bust facing to the left (Figure 15); and from Seleucia and Susa, where the royal bust faces to the right (Figures 14, 16). 514 Sellwood 1980, S15.1 records a tetradrachm type of Phraates II that depicted the Parthian seated archer on the reverse; this has been attributed by Sellwood to the mint of Ecbatana, where drachms showing the Parthian seated archer on the reverse are also attested (S15.2-3). Phraates II’s more extensive series of tetradrachms from Seleucia-on-the-Tigris (S17.1-3) depict a more Hellenistic reverse type of a seated goddess holding a cornucopia against one shoulder, and Nike in her other outstretched hand. Peculiarly, the goddess here appears with a beard; see Curtis, V.S. (2007b), 420; Sinisi (2008), 235-237.
Accordingly, the epithet ‘Philhellene’ was absent from Mithradates II’s tetradrachm legends at this mint.515 This is not to say that Mithradates II
instigated an anti-Hellenistic policy – in fact, Greek inscriptions from nearby Babylon establish that Greek culture prospered in the Hellenised city during this period, and most likely did in Seleucia-on-the-Tigris as well.516 The shift in
coin iconography and legend under Mithradates II, rather, underlines the firm consolidation of Parthian rule in southern Mesopotamia following several decades of political instability since its capture by Mithradates I in 141 BC.517
The developments carried out by Mithradates II at the mint of Seleucia- on-the-Tigris were part of an overarching re-organisation of minting practices across the Parthian Empire. Mithradates II’s portrait became increasingly homogenous across the mints on their issued denominations: all showed the king facing to the left and dressed in the Parthian costume. A torque and earring are both visible on the portrait. The treatment of the hair and beard became increasingly less naturalistic, and hence less Hellenistic in style; instead a “deliberate effort towards formalism” is visible in the execution of the king’s locks and facial hair.518 Though these artistic developments had been instigated
under Artabanus I, they were adopted uniformly by Mithradates II, even in the more strongly Hellenised cities of Seleucia and Susa which previously had favoured the naturalism of Greek art. Mithradates II was first depicted wearing the diadem tied around his brow, but later in his reign the Parthian tiara was
515 The epithet ‘Philhellene’ is attested on a rare silver type of Mithradates II (S23.3), minted at
Margiana at the beginning of his reign; Loginov & Nikitin (1996); Nikitin (1998); Curtis, V.S. et al. (forthcoming 2018). This coin type was a continuation of Artabanus I’s output from Margiana (S22.4) that shares the same epithet in the legend, and that was associated with settling the nomadic threat in the east; see pp. 150-151 above. Mithradates II also included ‘Philhellene’ amongst his epithets on a rare bronze type (S27.8) that shows the king with a radiate crown on the obverse, and which was perhaps minted at Margiana or Nisa; Curtis, V.S. et al. (forthcoming 2018). 516 A clay tablet with a Greek inscription, now kept in the Louvre, Paris, was found near the palaestra
in Babylon, and lists the victors of the games that took place in the 137th year of the Arsacid Era (111-110 BC), when ‘Arsaces the Great, Epiphanes, Philhellene’ was King. This dating formula was used alongside the former Seleucid Era (the year 202 on this document). Moreover, a gymnasiarch is mentioned, demonstrating the enduring role of Greek officials in the city. See Haussoullier (1903), 159, no. 4; Schmidt (1941), 816 ff., no. 5. Spek (2005) discuses in greater detail the traditions of Greek citizens in Babylon that endured into the Parthian period.
517 See pp. 48 ff. above. 518 McDowell (1935), 160.
adopted as a new symbol of his power (Figures 22-23).519 In these later years of
the king’s rule, his nose became more pronounced and eastern in character. Under Mithradates II, the reverse iconography on all silver denominations depicted the seated Parthian archer. This icon of the ruling dynasty, portrayed in the very non-Greek riding costume and carrying the composite bow of a mounted archer, was infused for the first time into the tetradrachm iconography of Seleucia. The die engravers in this city’s workshops, once heavily rooted in Greek artistic tradition, now took its iconographic cues from the mints further east. Finally, the bronze coinage of Mithradates II from the mints in the Iranian Plateau was also reorganised across four denominations - tetrachalkoi, dichalkoi, chalkoi and hemichalkoi – with each depicting a standardised, set motif (Figures 81-86). The iconography on these bronzes maintained a strong Parthian flavour, including the images of a horse and the Parthian composite bow with a double curve in a case. In the special case of Susa, where the bronze reverse iconography was extremely varied, very few images of Hellenistic gods were struck onto the coinage by the later years of Mithradates II’s rule. Rather, motifs that resonated with eastern iconography, such as lion and bull heads, eagles, flowers, and crescent moons, appear on the reverse of these bronze units (Figures 97-102). This homogenisation of a Parthian imperial model was made possible due to the military and diplomatic successes of Mithradates II and the subsequent consolidation of the Parthian Empire. The details of this imperial model, particularly of the royal portrait on Mithradates II’s coinage, will be examined in closer details below.520
In the years before Mithradates II assumed the throne, his uncle Artabanus I appeared on coinage for the first time wearing a V-necked jacket with crossed lapels and a geometric grid decoration at the top of the sleeve, further embellished with round appliqués. Iconography from previous centuries, most notably the monumental reliefs of the Achaemenids, depict the various horse breeding nations of the empire wearing a trouser suit with a tunic that
519 See pp. 158-166 below. Mithradates II was depicted in this tiara on drachms minted in the Iranian
Plateau and on bronzes from Susa; by this point in time, his minting activity had seemingly ceased in Seleucia-on-the-Tigris.
crossed over at the front and tied at the waist with a belt.521 However, little
ornamentation on this riding costume to individualise these nations has survived – these details would have been rendered in paint and have since worn away.522 One exception is the relief on the western façade of the west staircase
in the Palace of Darius I at Persepolis (probably added to the Apadana some centuries later by Artaxerxes III, 359-338 BC). Here, both the delegation climbing the stairs on the right and the delegation in the lower left of the central panel wear the soft cap and trouser suit with the tops of the sleeves decorated at the shoulder. Costume details are also worn by certain figures depicted on the golden votive plaques from the Oxus Treasure, including beaded patterns as well as bird ornaments sewn into the outer trouser leg of one particular figure carrying ritual instruments.523 The only known material example of a decorated
trouser suit of this kind was discovered in the Issyk kurgan (south-eastern Kazakhstan) dated to the 4th-3rd centuries BC, and unearthed in territories once
occupied by the Massagetae or Amyrgioi nomads.524 This costume, often
interpreted as that of a royal or priestly figure, was found with thousands of sewn golden appliqués and animal decorations (including arrow-heads, crescent moons, horses, birds and bird wings and stags), a highly ornate pointed soft cap in the style of the Saka tigraxauda (with ‘Pointed Caps’), boots, various weapons, jewellery, as well as other items. The riding suit was worn from the north-eastern steppe to the Iranian Plateau, and was depicted in the royal reliefs of the Persian kings as a visual marker of these countries. By adopting this costume into the coin portrait iconography, the Parthian kings highlighted their heritage and kinship with the populations of Media, Parthia, and further north. The costume, moreover, differed from the imagery of the royal court of the Achaemenid kings, who wore Persian robes in their commissioned rock reliefs, seals and on their coinage.525 New decoration details that were added to 521 See p. 110 above. 522 Schoppa (1933), 48. 523 Curtis, J. & Razmjou (2005), 79; Razmjou (2005a), 162-167, figs. 213, 227; see also figs. 216, 236, where the costume contains a stripe of circular decorations similar to Artabanus I’s costume on his coinage. 524 Akishev (1978), 43-52. On the complex dating of the Issyk Kurgan, see Panyushkina et al. (2013), 1298. 525 While Persian robes were worn in court scenes, the trouser suit was adorned by the Achaemenid kings in combat scenes; Root (1979), 279-282; Curtis, V.S. (1998a), 66 ff.; ibid. (2000), 33.
the riding costume under Mithradates II and subsequent kings served to showcase the royal glory of these rulers.
Mithradates II introduced a new star embellishment on his costume on some of his coin portraits, imparting a radiant aura to his image (Figure 19). The application of this detail on only some of the king’s portraits functioned as a type of control symbol and reflects the inner organisation of the mint; however, the practical function of this star decoration does not mean that it was void of symbolism and not a true likeness of the king’s regalia.526 This decoration was
perhaps realised in embroidery, precious beads, pearls or golden plates that were sewn onto the royal costume – a technique that is better known from the surviving material culture of the Scythian world.527 Mithradates II’s costume
innovation inspired star embellishments on the coinage of later Arsacid kings, as well as other magnificent designs, including the images of a mythical creature, bird-of-prey in flight and thunderbolt on coins of Orodes II, and a winged goddess holding a palm branch and diadem on coins of Phraates IV (Figures 26- 27, 30-31).528
The different terminals that decorated the end of Mithradates II’s torque include a simple or double pellet, a fabulous winged creature, and a fork shape (probably a schematic rendering of the winged creature).529 This mythical
creature has been interpreted by Wroth and Shore as a winged horse, and by Sellwood as a sea-horse.530 On the coin portraits of later kings in the 1st century
BC, two distinct zoomorphic torque endings were used: the first showing a mammal, possibly a horse; and the second showing a winged creature, possibly a winged horse or griffin (Figures 25-27, 29-31). These decorate terminals 526 Curtis, V.S. et al. (forthcoming 2018). 527 Rudenko (1970), 83-110; Akishev (1978), 47-52; Moorey (1985), 24; Curtis, V.S. (1998a), 65; ibid. (2007a), 18; Jacobson (1999), 63-64. 528 S46-S48, S54 tetradrachms types. Images of a bird-of-prey on the costume of Orodes II may be associated with the Varegna bird that carries the khvarnah in its wings between kings and the divine Mithra; Yt. 19.34-35. Zeus’ thundering lightning bolt can be compared to Mithra’s all-powerful arsenal that he uses to bludgeon his enemies while raging from the sky; some examples include Yt. 10.18, 69, 132-133. The winged goddess on the costume of Phraates IV (recognised as the victorious Nike in the Greek world) can be identified with Ashi as the bringer of victory to far-shooting archer warriors in the Iranian tradition; Yt. 17.12. 529 Curtis, V.S. et al (forthcoming 2018). 530 Wroth (1903), 25, no. 7 ff. and Shore (1993), 100, no. 70; Sellwood (1980), S24.10, for example.
perhaps served as heraldic symbols for the Arsacid dynasty, especially considering the role of the horse in Parthian culture, iconography and religion (see Chapter Four). This kind of jewellery is well attested under the Achaemenids, with endings such as duck and lion heads, as well as griffins and dragon protomes known from the material culture of this period.531 Indeed
Xenophon, in his work Anabasis, commented that necklaces and bracelets were worn by the most noble of Persians.532 The concept of a torque ring ending in an
animal terminal was exported across the Persian Empire as a prestige item: on the Apadana staircase of Persepolis, torques were brought as gifts to the Achaemenid king by various north-eastern delegations, including the Saka
tigraxauda, Sogdians and Medes, as well as the Lydians from the west of the
Empire.533 In the Scythian world, similar pieces of richly decorated jewellery
have been found in elite burial contexts, some with more localised artistic flourishes (such as panther or tiger terminals, for example), and these served to indicate the high status of their wearers.534 Jacobson has noted that torques
with multiple spiralling rings are, moreover, likely to be another nomadic variation of the concept.535Thus, by elaborating their coin portraits with
winding torques that were ornamented with magnificent animalistic terminals, the Arsacid kings bought into this canonised image of elite status and prestige in a way that highlighted their northern roots.536
The final important development that occurred in the portrait iconography of Mithradates II was the introduction of the tall, domed Parthian tiara or kolah that was decorated with arch-shaped beaded embellishments and a central star/sun motif (Figure 23). On one exceptional series from the principal mint of Ecbatana, the king’s headdress was decorated with a distinct 531 Curtis, J. (2005), 132-133; Razmjou (2005a), 174-175, fig. 270. 532 Xenophon Anabasis, 1.8.29. 533 Walser (1966), delegations I (Medians), pl. 8; VI (Lydians), pl. 13; XI (Saka), pl. 18; XVII (Sogdians), pl. 24.
534 For example, from the Issyk kurgan, Akishev (1978), pls. 28-29. See also Jacobson (1995), 105;
Kidd (2011), 246-247, with notes 93, 97.
535 Jacobson (1995), 105.
536 Jacobson (ibid.) contrasts the spiraling Scythian torques to the single ring torques of the
Achaemenid kings in the Near Eastern tradition, which has a greater focus on symmetry (as reflected in their monumental art).
arch of beaded crescent moons (Figure 22).537 A neckflap and cheek guards
were also shown as part of this tiara, reminiscent of the soft-cap headdress and its functional appendages. On Mithraadtes II’s tiara, however, these elements were also decorated with a decorative beaded border. This tiara was, moreover, encircled with a royal diadem.538 This splendid headdress was a unique symbol
of Mithradates II’s royalty amongst his contemporaries in the ancient Near East. Nevertheless, the inspiration behind the Parthian tiara’s design can be examined against the impressive headdresses in the art of earlier periods.
On monumental rock reliefs, the Achaemenid kings were depicted in court dress wearing a tall cylindrical crown – the tallness being key to distinguish the royal figure from lesser Persian dignitaries at his court.539 On
the Northern Doorway of the Main Hall at Persepolis, Schmidt has remarked that cuts in the stone to the sides of the tall crown may indicate that the king’s headdress was decorated with gold details and jewels.540 The same rule of
height applied to the soft cap that was worn with the cavalry costume: while the Persian king wore his cap upright, in contrast the satraps, warriors and dignitaries wore this headdress with the hood folded down (except in the case of the Saka tigraxauda, whose tall, pointed soft cap bowed slightly backwards). This is documented most extensively in the writings of Greek authors.541
However, the same upright soft cap can also be seen on the figure of Darius III in the Alexander Mosaic from Pompeii (believed to be a copy of a Hellenistic painting from the 4th or 3rd century BC), and on the “Cyrus I” cylinder seal
impression, as well as that of the prince Artimas of Limyra.542 Finally, the
537 S28.1. Tiara types S28.5-6 showing a wavy line may represent stylised crescent moons. 538 S28 drachm types; Curtis, V.S. et al. (forthcoming 2018).
539 The main exceptions are Darius’ victory relief at Bisotun, where the king appears with the
stepped battlement-style crown, and the scenes of the royal hero battling a series of animals and beasts at Persepolis. On the tall crown, see Schmidt (1953), 116, 163, 226, pls. 121-123, 140-141; Roaf (1983), 131-133, fig. 132, pl. 35; von Gall (1974); Shahbazi (1992) [2011].
540 Schmidt (1953), 116, pl. 76.
541 Xenophon Anabasis, 2.5.23; Arrian Anabasis, 3.25.3; Plutarch Artaxerxes, 26, 28; ibid.
Themistocles, 29.
542 Winter, F. (1909); Shahbazi (1975), 120-121, pl. 75; Hinz (1976), 53, figs. 16-17. See also Young
(2003), 245 on the “Cyrus I” seal impression with refrence to its dating, which he believes is closer to the time of Darius I on stylistic grounds. In Greek sources, the royal headdresses of Persian kings are referred to variously as the kidaris, tiara orthe (‘tall tiara’), and kyrbasia. Distinctions between the
diadem encircling the king’s tall crown was a sure sign of his royalty. This combination of the tall headdress and diadem was cemented under the Achaemenid kings as a regal marker.543 The high reaching tiara of Mithradates II,
worn with the royal diadem band tied around the base, was evidently inspired by the criteria for royal headgear from the time of the Persian kings.
Another type of headdress that was depicted in the art of the Achaemenid period can be highlighted for its distinctive domed shape – the same shape that characterised Mithradates II’s Parthian tiara some centuries later. A rounded cap was worn by Median dignitaries on the monumental rock reliefs, as well as a bust of a Mede from the a 5th or 4th century BC, unearthed