Estado de déficit en liquidación

Although Model 1 was selected as the best possible explanation for respondents’ empowerment as whole, the model was for potato farmers in general, regardless of gender. A further model was run for women and tested for its validity for women’s empowerment in particular. Table 8.7 shows the results of the regression analysis conducted for women respondents.

Table 8.7: Women’s empowerment model

Variable Model 1 (0.907) Beta values P values Age of respondents 0.000 0.752

Size of farm 0.030 0.061*

Experience 0.001 0.667

Education 0.100 0.000**

Household size -0.005 0.117

Total income 7.350E-007 0.000**

Time spent in field 0.000 0.072*

Access to credit 0.094 0.001**

Other business activities 0.005 0.926

Participation in livestock 0.035 0.202 Participation in services 0.072 0.041** Participation in poultry 0.036 0.480 R2 0.907 F-test (significance) 0.000 * Significance 10%, ** Significance 5%

This model perfectly explains the theory emerging from the data. Access to credit, education, income and participation in services is positively and significantly related to women’s empowerment at a 95 per cent confidence level. Similarly, size of farm and time spent in field activities are also significantly related to women’s empowerment, at a 90 per cent confidence level. The model reveals a higher degree of the propensity of income and participatory variables to influence women’s empowerment, which is in accordance with existing theories.

The selected model suggests that a positive and statistically significant relationship exists between women’s empowerment and size of landholding. Women’s levels of empowerment increase with land holding size. Afzal (2009) studied various factors affecting women’s empowerment and found a significant effect of land-holding size: the majority of the respondents in their sample were small landholders and were generally disempowered in agricultural decision-making, although other factors also contributed to their disempowerment. These findings were affirmed by Enete and Amusa (2010), who deduced that household farm size has a positive influence on women’s decision-making power in agricultural activities, which is a distinct dimension of empowerment in that large land size, may require several people, men and women, to manage it and make decisions about its utilisation. In this context, Keller (2000) concludes that woman’s access to and ownership of land is a prerequisite for their empowerment.

This model also finds a significant relationship between women’s empowerment and their access to credit. Various researchers have explored this relationship from different perspectives. Scoggins (1999) finds an improvement in women’s social and economic conditions as a result of being a part of income generation activities made possible by being given access to credit. Sarumathi and Mohan (2011) conclude that access to microcredit uplifts social and psychological empowerment rather than economic empowerment, as it brings confidence and courage to fortify one’s circumstances and to develop. However, it is worth noting that psychological empowerment and improvement of self-esteem may not enable women to challenge discriminatory behaviour against them (Cheston & Kuhn, 2002). Microcredit programmes are aimed to empower women in deprived conditions, and by providing access to credit, makes possible a growth in the possession of resources, which consequently results in their betterment and the betterment of their families (Mayoux, 1997; Rai 2003); however, Gibbons (1992) and Rai (2004) emphasise the need for reforms in providing credit; sufficient trainings and skills generation are needed to effect change and development, and these researchers emphasise the need to match credit lending with comprehensive strategies including informal education, skills building, social and political awareness. Social and cultural reforms must also to be introduced to empower women; only then will credit access benefit them.

Opio (2003) considered two rural credit programs initiated by the Grameen Bank and the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC) and evaluated their impact on women’s empowerment. These credit programs were found to be successful in empowering women to a significant extent, not only advantaging them economically but also enabling them to contribute to the betterment of their families. Furthermore, confidence was built in the women and they gained recognition in their society, as their social, political and legal awareness grew. A range of studies supports the role of credit in the empowerment of women by reducing poverty and increasing mobility (Paul & Saadullah, 1991; Rahman, 2000; Radcliffe, 2006).

Model 1 presented in Table 8.6 suggests a positive relationship between the educational level of women and their empowerment. This is consistent with Meyer and Prügl (1999) who found that women with lower education were likely to be less empowered, whereas women with better education appeared to have comparatively greater empowerment. This is attributed to the fact that with better educational qualifications one has more consciousness of rights and better knowledge, which in turn provide confidence, working opportunities and self-reliance. Prakash (2003) argues that improving one’s level of education can improve status in the household; women have the opportunity to decrease their subordination to men when they gain education and awareness. Pilcher and Whelehan (2004) argue that women can only be empowered if they mobilise politically and educationally, raising their self- awareness. This argument is in line with that of Naqvi et al. (2002), who conceptualise women’s empowerment as occurring when they are integrated into development processes, fortifying their status economically and raising their consciousness; they situate women’s disempowerment in their illiteracy, which restricts their ability to become part of the development processes. Education empowers women in psychological and cognitive ways, makes them aware of their circumstances, and provides them with the ability to change their status (Nosheen, 2011; Nosheen et al., 2010; Phillips, 2005; Pilcher and Whelehan, 2004; Pitcher, 1996).

Sridevi (2005) carried out a systematic study to evaluate quantitatively the empowerment of postgraduate teachers in Chennai. Among several hypotheses, one tested the impact of education on empowerment; this is highly significant, as

education is considered to build confidence and awareness. In the study, education dummy was given the value of 1 if the teacher held a M. Ed, M. Phil or Ph. D. and 0 otherwise. Through multiple regression analysis, this hypothesis was found to be true, as teachers with higher education qualifications were found to have greater empowerment.

Susilastuti (2003) conducted a study in Egypt regarding women’s education, work and autonomy, and found that education had the greatest impact on empowerment as educated women were more likely to be employed; however, their autonomy could vary according to the status of their employment (both type and seniority of position and remuneration). Self-employed workers were likely to be economically less dependent on their family, whereas family workers were regarded merely as helpers and were neither paid nor acknowledged; therefore, self-employed women workers were autonomous at their workplaces as well as in their homes.

This thesis also revealed a very strong and significant relationship between income and women’s empowerment. Income is a prominent determinant that is strongly related with empowerment, as was observed by Pal (2001). Paul and Saadullah (1991) revealed that poverty constrains women to income-generating activities and thus limits their empowerment. Page and Czuba (1999) and Ozkan and Ozcatalbas (2003) argue that adequate policies must be made to facilitate women with opportunities for economic independence. Women are economically independent if they are involved in paid work or any income-generating activity and are able to make decisions, signs of being empowered and having access to resources. Othman and Martin (2001) and Mehra and Rojas (2008) observe more independence among women who participate in income-generating activities. For this purpose, micro- finance and micro-credit programs are initiated at government levels and by NGOs in various developing regions to support income-generating activities for women; this has been discussed by Ogato et al. (2009), Olumakaiye and Ajayi (2006), and Opio (2003).

Income provides women with a degree of economic autonomy and thus helps them improve their social status by giving them greater control over decisions about their own self, thus empowering them (Heaton et al., 2005; Nosheen et al., 2010). Matthews-Njoku et al. (2009) conducted a study to measure the impact of different

factors on female teachers’ empowerment, and affirmed that women’s control over their income empowers them in a true sense. Naqvi et al. (2002) conceptualise women’s economic independence as a necessary step to empower them: economically active women were found to be autonomous in their workplaces and at home. Women spend their income mostly on their children and household expenses, as was observed by Ranis and Stewart (2005); this has a significant effect on their power to direct change for the betterment of their household (Morvaridi, 1992). Morrison et al. (2007) explored women’s participation in farming activities and found that income-generating activities performed by women helped to raise their social status and led to further empowerment by proving their competence in the agriculture sector. Thus empowerment is strongly influenced by income.

The interesting aspect of the selected model explains a negative and statistically significant relationship at an α-value of less than 0.01 between empowerment and family size, but this is not in contradiction to existing theories on women’s empowerment as a significant impact of type of family on empowerment is observed in different regions and societies. Women are found to be more empowered in making decisions about their life and family matters if they are members of a nuclear family, whereas women living in joint or extended families are more likely to be disregarded in decision-making. This disempowerment increases if the woman is young. For instance, Meyer and Prügl (1999) evaluated the relationship between empowerment and family type and found that the type of family unit was a significant moderator of empowerment. They found that the average empowerment scores for respondents belonging to nuclear and joint families were 33.48 and 23.58 respectively; the gap in average scores is significant in both situations. As was argued by Memela (2005), women acquire agency to rule with the passage of time, and attain the greater power at later stage of life, for example when they became mothers-in-law and are in a position to dominate their daughters-in-law. This was inferred by Mehra and Rojas (2008) who observed a major difference in the empowerment of women belonging to nuclear families rather than joint families. Likewise, Matthews-Njoku et al. (2009) noted that in joint families most decisions are taken by older members, and this tradition restricts younger women from making their own decisions about such matters as mobility and control over resources or income; it can be inferred that daughters-in-law are disempowered as far as decision-

making is concerned in joint families. These findings are in line with those of McCorkle et al. (1987), who observed that the nuclear family is a factor positively affecting empowerment. Sathar and Kazi (1997) and Nosheen (2011) also support these findings.

Chapter 9

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND

RECOMMENDATIONS

9.1 Introduction

This chapter provides a synthesis of the whole thesis. It comprises four main sections. After the introduction, Section 9.2 contains the summary of the study. Section 9.2 recapitulates the various research findings, while the final part, Section 9.3, contains research conclusions and recommendations.