Efectos a largo plazo. Desorden de estrés postraumático

The population movements as a result of immigration inevitably bring together different social groups and, in this particular case, immigrants with the native population of the country of settlement (Zagefka and Brown, 2002). Despite the occasional conflicts of interest between economic and local factors on the one hand and immigrants on the other, in reality multiple bonds emerge and enhance socio-economic integration at different levels (Spicer, 2008).

Indeed, there is a consensus among scholars that one of the most relevant indicators for measuring socio-economic integration is the ‘density’ and the quality of contacts between immigrants and non-immigrants (Musterd and Ostendorf, 2008). In the new social environment, immigrants develop new links and contacts that extend beyond the in-group and/or inter-group contacts, focusing mainly on interaction with members of local communities. Thus, friendships developed between immigrants and the native population are of particular importance for the successful socio-economic integration of the former.

Furthermore, the use and the way of utilizing leisure time represent an equally critical factor in the process of immigrant integration. And this is not only because an active social life may have a positive impact on individual performance in the labour market, but is primarily related to the immigrant’s ability to be integrated into the value system of the social life of the country of settlement.

At the same time, the development of social networks is an important factor for cultivating feelings of belonging, security, freedom and empowerment (Spicer, 2008;

Massey, 2005). The relevant research findings indicate that in contrast to the first generation of immigrants – which can remain socially and culturally isolated –future generations may enjoy full membership, precisely because of the development of social networks (Spicer, 2008).

The important role of social networks for immigrant integration has been the subject of an extensive literature, which examines two basic operating ways of migration networks.

These social networks can provide support in finding a job, housing, or support in the provision of relevant information. This short-term assistance can have a positive impact on long-term integration into the society of the country of settlement.

Migration networks are considered essential tools for the formation of creative social capital, which also includes social relations (Coleman, 1988). It is argued that the extent of social connections and trust are key factors for the formation of social capital (Durlauf and Fafchamps, 2004; Ager and Strang, 2008). Putnam (2003) distinguishes between three forms

of social connection: social bonds (family, co-ethnic or other forms of in-group relations), social bridges (other out-group communities) and social links (structures and institutions of the state), which are considered essential dimensions for the development of immigrants’

social capital.

At the same time, the concept of social interaction (Van Dalen and Henkens, 2003) focuses on how the interaction between individuals outside the labour market affects their social and economic decisions. Thus, the coexistence of different ethnic groups and the

‘social meeting’ between people of different social groups may exert significant influence on individuals’ choices both in public and private life. This is because individuals learn to become educated from such contacts, forming their social perceptions and attitudes towards certain people and population groups. Consequently, ethnic socio-spatial segregation/concentration can for example cultivate the perception of threat and alienation towards the native population. At the same time, it may also become a mechanism for strengthening in-group contacts, reducing the negative perceptions of one group at the expense of another, while at the same time consolidating their ethnic identity.

Regarding the measuring of social interaction, in their study entitled The Rationality behind Immigration Preferences, Van Dalen and Henkens (2003) used the following variables:

 Degree of spatial concentration of population groups – in the neighbourhood where they live.

 Ethnic concentration – in a particular neighbourhood.

 Contact areas – where native population comes in contact with immigrants from different groups.

Musterd and Ostendorf (2008) in their study entitled Spatial Segregation and Integration in the Netherlands identified differences between population groups in relation to their level of contact with other ethnic groups. Thus, the younger generation of immigrants (second generation) with a higher educational level, maintained more contacts with other ethnic groups compared to the first generation of immigrants (older) with a lower educational level. However, differences among immigrant groups remained strong. More specifically, in this study it is mentioned that immigrants from Surinam and the Antilles maintain more contacts with people who do not belong to the same ethnic group as them, while Turks and

Moroccans appear oriented toward their own ethnic groups. But even among the latter, particular ethnic characteristics and educational capital seem to affect their social interaction.

In the study of King and Mai (2004) entitled Albanian Immigrants in Lecce and Modena:

Narratives of Rejections. Survival and Integration, the authors examine how Albanian immigrants in different geographical areas of Italy, are integrated in the local, social and economic areas and in particular in the sphere of employment, housing and social space/place. In this context, researchers address two dimensions: first, the relationship with Italian society throughout employment, with welfare services and with neighbourhood relations. Second, the solidarity relations with their own ethnic group through relative and friendly interactions. Regarding leisure time, the study showed that consumer and entertainment standards vary significantly depending on age, gender, educational level and marital status. In summarizing their findings, the authors note that the overall experience of Albanian immigrants’ integration in Italy has been formed in relation to strong bias/prejudices, which is horizontally diffused in all areas, even at the level of social interactions.

The study of Zagefka and Brown (2002) entitled The relationship between acculturation strategies, relative fit and intergroup relations: immigrant-majority relations in Germany examines to what extent the model of inter-individual preferences for the integration of Turkish immigrants and ethnic Germans can be implemented at the level of inter-group relations. In this direction, three main indicators were designed to measure the quality of inter-group relations: intra-group prejudices, positively considered inter-group relations and discrimination. Finally, the study showed that the quality of inter-group relations was visibly improved when it the harmonization of acculturation attitudes between the immigrants and the host society was improved. Thus, although it cannot be argued that there is a causal relationship between the quality of inter-group relations and the harmonization of acculturation attitudes, the quality of inter-group relations is an important factor.

The study of Spicer (2008) entitled Places of Exclusion and Inclusion: Asylum-Seeker and Refugee Experiences of Neighbourhoods in the UK has as a starting point the assumption that social networks of asylum seekers and refugees (first and second generation) constitute an important dimension of social integration and play a crucial role in their spatial segregation. Furthermore, the study examines qualitatively the way in which the target group perceives and constructs the concept of neighbourhood as a potential place of integration or exclusion, and compares the narratives of parents with those of children. The study came to the conclusion that the sample population gives special emphasis to the creation of supportive

social networks with people of the same ethnic or religious identity. At the same time, difficulties appear in the development of social bonds with white or other indigenous groups.

The study of De Palo, Faini and Venturini (2007) entitled The Social Assimilation of Immigrants approaches social relations from a different perspective. The purpose of the study is to examine the extent of social relations of immigrants compared to those of the native population. The research findings were then associated with a certain number of key factors such as age, marital status, educational and activity level, and size of household. It would be interesting to mention some of the findings which demonstrate that regardless of the personal characteristics (e.g., age and education), immigrants seem to socialise to a lesser extent compared to the native population. Their socialization patterns, however, converge with those of the native population. Furthermore, it was found that educational capital significantly affects the type and form of immigrants’ social activities. Although people with a higher educational level seem to socialize to a lesser extent with their neighbors, they strongly socialize with the wider society.

In Greece, an important study on social capital is that of Iosifides et al. (2007) entitled Forms of Social Capital and the Incorporation of Albanian Immigrants in Greece. The study focuses on the social capital and its effect on the social integration of Albanian immigrants in Greece. The research findings showed that social capital, though it appears confined within families and networks of relatives, constitutes the most important factor in the integration of Albanian immigrants into Greek society compared to other forms of social capital. However, despite these positive aspects, the over-concentration of Albanian immigrants in particular job positions, mainly as a result of family and ethnic networks, is viewed by the study as a negative development. In this way, we have the gradual appearance of the phenomenon of

‘ethnic enclaves’ and ‘ethnically specialized’ immigrant worker in the economy and in some sectors of the labour market, for example in the construction sector for Albanians and in domestic services for Filipinos (a form of ethnicisation of the labour market). On the other hand, while social capital (family/relatives and ethnic networks) seems to play an important role in the social integration of Albanian immigrant, social relations with Greek nationals appear weak, highlighting in this way the rather problematic image of socio-economic integration. According to the respondents, this phenomenon is due to the dominant, negative public image for Albanians in Greek society. Finally, it is worth mentioning that immigrants who had developed stronger social relations with Greeks seem to enjoy better social and employment treatment, which probably contribute to both the reduction of discrimination and to the improvement of socio-economic integration of immigrants in Greek society.

From a different perspective, the study by Pavlopoulos et al. (2011) discusses the indicator of socio-cultural adaptation of immigrants in the context of socio-economic integration in general. In particular, the study focuses on specific factors/variables, some of which have been used for the construction of the indicators of the author’s own study (social interaction/friendships), which are summarized as below:

o Cultural orientation: preference in the country of origin or the country of settlement.

o Psychological adaptation: individual/private sphere (e.g., self-esteem, feelings).

o Socio-cultural adaptation: interpersonal sphere (e.g., relationships, transactions).

o Perceived discrimination: internalization of incident.

The study concludes that the cultural orientation of immigrants is generally balanced.

Most choose the harmonization strategy, which suggests the combination of Greek culture and their own ethnic culture. At the same time, socio-cultural adaptation shows a lower percentage, due to the relatively restricted supporting networks (60 per cent), while the percentage in relation to the perception of discrimination is low but significant (67 per cent).

The variation of the psychosocial adaptation of immigrants is relatively restricted, with respect to individual demographic factors such as gender, age and education. On the contrary, the role of inter-group relations and the dynamic processes in relation to ethnicity and the duration of residence are more important (Pavlopoulos et al., 2011, p. 34).

To sum up, we can say that the level of social contacts and interaction between the immigrants and the native population constitutes an important dimension of the broader process of socio-economic integration. Moreover, friendly relations, the use of leisure time and the creation of social networks have emerged as key dimensions of the social interaction process. The theoretical framework of analysis is based on social interaction theory and is formed on the basis of three socio-spatial orientation indicators. In the field of social interaction it is underlined that second generation immigrants with a higher educational level maintain more contacts with both the native population and members of other ethnic groups, compared to first generation immigrants who are older and have a lower educational level.

Additionally, other studies show that in addition to ‘classical’ variables (e.g., age, gender, educational level and marital status) the social interaction of immigrants with the native population is formed in connection with a public image (negative or positive) and the prejudices against certain ethnic groups that are associated with that image.