El análisis de la velarización en shipibo en la TO

There is no reason to believe that Chinese investments alone can fill Africa’s ex- ternal resource gap in order to meet the Millennium Development Goals or speed up economic development. Other sources of finance are needed. This, however, does not mean that Chinese FDI to Africa is insignificant. In contrast, this chap- ter has shown that although data on Chinese FDI are sparse, Chinese FDI is certainly becoming increasingly important – not only on its own terms, but above all because it is closely linked to other flows from China to the African continent. Moreover, the chapter has pointed to the differences and similarities between Chinese and “Western” FDI in Africa and thus hinted at the extent to which we

 Peter Kragelund and Meine Pieter van Dijk

can approach Chinese FDI with the same analytical frameworks as more “tradi- tional” FDI and to what extent we need new analytical frameworks.

We argue that even if Chinese investments in Africa resemble its Western counterparts in some very important respects, for instance, its focus on primary goods, its motives to invest, and its close links to its home country’s geopolitics are different. These are key differences requiring a broader analytical approach. Two approaches have been proposed.

The first approach takes its point of departure in the FDI literature that distinguishes between two different roles vis-à-vis the domestic private sector, namely crowding in (the development and upgrading of private firms to benefit from linkages with Trans National Corporations, TNCs) or crowding out (the distortion of growth of the domestic private sector either directly via competi- tion on the market or indirectly via limiting access to finance and skills (Kumar, 2003). This distinction between capacity builder on the one hand and competitor on the other, however, does not take the catalyzing role of FDI into account: FDI may catalyze domestic private sector development directly through investments in dormant sectors of the economy or by improvement of infrastructure and indi- rectly via, for instance, increased attention to the domestic market.

The second approach links investments to another vector of interaction, namely trade. The point of departure is general economic theories (this time regarding trade), but due to the interconnectedness of investments and trade with other flows of capital, traditional trade theories cannot fully explain the phenomenon and its consequences for the development of Africa’s private sector. The solution suggested by the Round Table Africa project of MSM is to foster a structural cooperation between international businesses, local companies and policy-makers. The market opportunities as identified in the value chain stud- ies will be tabled at value-chain, specific multi-stakeholder consultations. This should lead to new and improved sustainable economic activities in the region through the involvement of international and national investors, civil society and public sector actors.9

Notes

 In order to create a secure investment climate for its investors overseas, China signs BITs and double taxation treaties with African countries. These treaties protect and promote FDI by clarifying the terms for FDI between the signatories. In fact, China has concluded more BITs with African countries than any other economy (Broadman, ).

 Besides the complicated aid setup, the following facts tend to make an accurate aid fig- ure less likely: ministries are understaffed; the Chinese government fears that greater transparency simultaneously may lead to greater demands for aid by recipient countries

 China’s investments in Africa

(because they are aware that other recipients receive more) and domestic critique due to the widespread poverty in China (Davies, ; Lancaster, ; Wang, ).

 In general, FDI data do not distinguish between overseas Chinese, state-led Chinese FDI and private investments. Moreover, data from national investment centres do not show actual FDI stocks nor FDI flows, but only investment commitments from investors who obtain investment licenses at these centres. Nevertheless, in most cases it is the only disag- gregated FDI data from Africa.

 Figures by country will be given for several cases, but unfortunately they come from very different sources, which may affect their accuracy and recent nature.

 For a description of how the Chinese state facilitates and supports Chinese enterprises in Zambia , see Chapter .

 This distinction first saw the light of the day in regard to Asian influence in Africa in Schmitz (). A number of more specific frameworks have also been proposed. For instance in the study of trade (Stevens and Kennan, ), and of aid (McCormick, ).

 Currently, the development agreements between the major mining companies and the state are being renegotiated. Due to the low world market prices for copper in the late s, the mining companies were able to sign exceptionally profitable deals with the Zambian government. The marked increase in copper prices has made the Zambian gov- ernment demand a windfall tax on copper (see also Fraser/Lungu).

 See http://www.ids.ac.uk/go/research-teams/globalisation-team/research-themes/asian - drivers for a description of the program.

 www.roundtableafrica.net. More information can be obtained from the Sustainable De- velopment Centre (SDC) of MSM, PO Box ,  BE, Maastricht, or the African partner, the Eastern and Southern African Management Institute (ESAMI) PO Box , Arusha, Tanzania.

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Competing trade policies with respect to Africa