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Belonging is undermined by perceptions of the unfavorable status of the Nigerian community in Dublin. Nigerians face rejection and hostility in Ireland. According to the Immigrant Council of Ireland (ICI), only about 30% of Nigerians agree or strongly agree with the statement “Irish people make me feel welcome,” whereas 35% disagree or strongly disagree. Furthermore, around 70% disagree or strongly disagree with the statement “Irish people accept diverse cultures and communities as part of Irish society” and only one in ten feel personally “accepted by Irish society” (ICI, 2008, pp. 158-160).

This dissertation’s interviewees agree that the Nigerian community is “the worst received among all foreign groups” in Dublin (Taylor, 30). Nigerian respondents consider their ethnic community excluded from economic and social life in Dublin. Eight in ten perceive Nigerian nationals not to be welcome in the receiving society, whereas 14%

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argue that Nigerians are included in Ireland and 7% suggest that the situation is mixed. These numbers contrast sharply with feelings of welcome among Polish immigrants, all but one of whom found Dublin friendly. Everyday discrimination in all spheres of life is the clearest indicator of exclusion. Nigerian immigrants report racism and discriminatory treatment as the single black student in their educational institution, or at the hands of public officials and landlords. Abuse occurs at work, “on the bus stop” and on the street, where such experiences are considered not personal but systematic and common to all Nigerians in Dublin. Being “put down,” “abused” and even “spat” at are considered signs of deliberate isolation by the native population (Stephen, 36; Zach, 32). In the words of one respondent, “They don’t want you and they show it” (Zach, 32). While the Polish community no longer feels welcomed with economic downturn either, the difference in reception is considerable.

Respondents are surprised by the negative treatment they have received in Ireland, famed to be one of the most friendly and receptive nations. Eight in ten expected the native population to be friendly, but in reality found them “mean, especially when you are black” (Harry, 35). They were puzzled that their compatriots would be discriminated against by “the people who suffered some of the greatest stereotyping and discrimination in the whole world” (Ethan, 46). One respondent even felt disappointed that the Irish, who are so “well-travelled” and should have empathy for fellow immigrants, were in reality so hostile to the Nigerian community (Zach, 32).

When prompted about the reasons for this hostility and lack of welcome towards the Nigerian community in Dublin, interviewees are painfully aware of the discourse of exclusion constructed by local stakeholders in Dublin. One in four interviewees argue

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that they are rejected in Dublin due to the “unfair” image of Nigerian migrants as asylum seekers who “don’t obey the laws” and abuse the system, “spongers” who do not contribute to the system, or simply “too many” to accommodate (Frank, 34; Stephen, 36;

Taylor, 30) (Table IV.6). The local population is believed to “have hatred for Nigerians,”

as these guests are “into vices,” steal, and constitute a burden on local resources (Isaac, 36; Stephen, 36). As the perception is that “Africans are uneducated and nothing good can come out of them,” Nigerian migrants are considered an onus rather than an asset to the receiving country (Zach, 32). The incorrect perception that all Nigerians are asylum seekers who are “sponges on the economy,” are “lazy,” and “here to defraud you” is found responsible for the exclusion Nigerians face (D44-NO). Natives’ view of Africans is exacerbated as “half of the African population in Ireland” is Nigerian and as the supposedly short-term asylum seekers are staying longer than expected in Dublin (Ethan, 46). Negative treatment, therefore, is perceived to be based in a complex set of stereotypes, tying legal status, economic cost, criminality, nationality, and race.

Table IV.6. Perceived Motives for Rejection of Nigerian Migrants Motive responses % of all Number respondents % of all

Asylum seekers/abusing system 24.5% 12 85.7%

Racial/cultural difference 22.4% 11 78.6% Economic crisis 18.4% 9 64.3% Influx of Polish 18.4% 9 41.7% Economic onus 10.2% 5 41.7% Large numbers 6.1% 3 21.4% Total 100% 49 Of 14 persons Source: Author.

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Rejection is considered closely related to the racial and cultural differences between Nigerian immigrants and their Irish hosts as well. More than one in five interviewees suggested that simple “visual differences” create hostility among natives

(D41-NO) (Table IV.6). Skin color sets Nigerians apart from Dubliners more so than any

other foreign group. The color of Nigerians’ skin is also reported to the perception is that “every black person in Ireland is Nigerian. Every black person is an asylum seeker. Every asylum seeker is Nigerian. Every Nigerian is a fraudster who is cheating the system and is not hard-working” (D42-NO). Racial differences are compounded by differences in family and sociocultural structures, which are perceived to place a further wall of unfamiliarity and isolation between Nigerian guests and their Irish hosts.

Exclusion and the stereotypes surrounding the Nigerian community in Dublin as “too many,” criminals, or uneducated “spongers,” have intensified with economic crisis, as Nigerian workers now compete for jobs with the Irish and other immigrants. Two in ten of my respondents argue that as the Celtic Tiger is no longer roaring and the “bubble burst,” the Irish “feel threatened by us immigrants and their hostility is increasing … Things they didn’t care about before, they care about now. They care now that we are populating their schools, putting stress on their hospitals. It’s bothering them now, but they didn’t care about it when it was all good” (Ethan, 46). Nigerian workers believe that the economic situation had further exacerbated the negative attitudes they have experienced in Dublin, where the Irish “want to get all the immigrants out” and “don’t want them spoiling the country or taking social welfare” (D44-NO).

Finally, a large number of Nigerian interviewees found that their welcome has particularly worn after the influx of Polish workers into Dublin. Respondents believe that

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Nigerians were tolerated in Ireland in the early 2000s, as they were the single source of cheap labor in the receiving country. They suggest, however, that the white Polish workers arriving in the mid-2000s have become a preferred pool of labor in Dublin. While they recognize that every immigrant community in Ireland experiences some discrimination, including the Polish, close to 80% of Nigerian participants argue that Polish workers are nonetheless preferred due to their racial and cultural similarity to the Irish. As one person put it, it is much harder to “fit in if you are black” (Harry, 35). It was recognized among Nigerian immigrants that Polish nationals have the “right to be in Dublin” as they are “European Union people” (Zach, 32). However, African respondents also realize that “the policy of European first and then others” has “disadvantaged Nigerian seriously” and comparison with the Polish has spurred even more “negative tendencies towards Africans” (Ethan, 46; Taylor, 30; Zach, 32). Due to perceptions of exclusion and hostility, the Nigerian group is assigned the lowest value for this

component of the group status indicator (Table IV.1).

As a result of the exclusion they face, but also due to unfavorable governmental policies and their own self-identification as different from the Irish, Nigerian respondents do not consider their community truly integrated in Ireland, like the Polish. Three quarters of Nigerian respondents argue that Nigerian immigrants are not integrated in life

in Dublin.152 _{While engaging with the host society to a larger degree than when they first}

arrived, participants suggest that Nigerians are “not reaching out” and taking advantage of the “opportunities of integration” (Taylor, 30). As they are “oriented just toward their

152 _{75% state the community is not integrated, 12.5% find the community integrated and another 12.5%}

believe some Nigerians are integrated, while others fails to assimilate. These numbers are somewhat comparable to percentages among Polish respondents, where 70% find the Polish community not to be integrated, 24% consider the picture mixed, and only 6% find the Polish fully incorporated in Ireland.

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own community and live a parallel life,” Nigerians become increasingly unfamiliar to the local population (D41-P). Many prefer to be residentially segregated from their hosts and to live in predominantly Nigerian neighborhoods to “protect themselves,” to secure support with raising children, as well as to shield their children from the stigma of being “different” (Ethan, 46). The “Nigerialization” of certain neighborhoods like Parnell Street, however, is considered to lead to retarded integration, devaluation of skills, and diminished multiculturalism (D42-NO).

Both the Irish government’s limited efforts and Nigerians’ racial and “cultural differences” from the Irish are believed to be to blame for this lack of integration (Frank, 34). Two thirds of Nigerian interviewees argue that the local government “makes it quite hard to integrate” (Isaac, 36). Nigerian asylum seekers in particular are physically removed from the Irish and are deprived of the opportunity to interact with the host

society.153 _{Being “stuck” for years without the permission to work or study leads to}

devaluation and loss of skills, depression and isolation, as well as the creation of a permanent underclass with a disadvantaged second generation. Local policy of promoting integration without actually engaging representatives of the immigrant groups involved or giving them enough say in the process is also discussed as an obstacle to Nigerians’ assimilation. The racism and negative stereotyping of Nigerians are further obstacles.

More importantly, six in ten Nigerian respondents find that “visual and cultural differences present a barrier” to the integration of their ethnic community (D41-NO). The color of their skin makes “Africans stand out” and marks them as “different” from

153 _{Asylum seekers are placed in direct provision while awaiting a decision. Direct provision signifies}

placing asylum seekers in state-mandated residences, where the state provides each adult individual with full-board accommodation, including two meals per day, as well as a personal allowance of €19.10 per week (Reception and Integration Agency [RIA], 2010).

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the native population regardless of their actual level of assimilation (D42-NO). As “people are peeking at [them]” due to their phenotypical differences, Nigerian migrants consider it difficult to ever fit in, as they cannot alter their appearance (D44-NO).

In a 2007 survey, 70% of Nigerian respondents suggested they do not share

common values with Irish culture (ICI, 2008, p. 142).154 _{Two thirds of participants in this}

project agree that “culturally a lot of things are different” between the Irish and the Nigerians (Frank, 34). The dissimilar “social and cultural system” of Nigeria is believed to account for differences in work ethic and for lack of inclusion in the Irish economic system (D44-PO). Differences in family structure contribute to the overuse of social resources by Nigerian mothers and isolation from the host society while taking care of children in the home. Unique family and social relationships and modes of interaction are reported to prevent Nigerian immigrants from “mingling with the Irish” (Frank, 34). According to the ICI (2008), for instance, as few Nigerians frequent pubs and other social spaces the Irish favor, the two communities rarely intersect in sports, cultural, food-based

and even religious activities.155 _{Respondents were in fact surprised at how divergent their}

sociocultural practices were from those of the local population, since they assumed that a shared Catholic religion and English language would guarantee easy integration.

Command of the English language is considered to aid Nigerians in assimilating in Irish life by two thirds of respondents and to present an advantage for this ethnic group. Since “the communication barrier is not there,” in theory there are few obstacles to interaction with the receiving population (Frank, 34). Being able to “express yourself

154 _{Only 7% of Nigerian respondents argued that Nigerians “share many values in common with Irish}

people.”

155 _{Catholic Nigerians find church activities particularly important to their lives and feel respected by the}

Irish attending the same services, yet rarely associate with them and meet a different attitude outside of church.

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from day one” is believed to facilitate adaptation to “the system” in the host city (Zach, 32). As one Nigerian immigrant puts it, “if you can’t communicate, you can’t integrate” (Taylor, 30). Nonetheless, Nigerians’ distinct accent is perceived as a marker of difference from the Irish and therefore as a barrier to incorporation. Communication between Nigerian workers and the receiving society remains imperfect due to a difference in the immigrants’ “speaking and listening pattern,” which identifies them as foreigners and outsiders (D42-NO). The African cohort is assigned a low value of 2 for this sub-

component of group status (Table IV.1).

Despite the promise of Ireland as a “land of equality and opportunity,” Nigerians find that their community is the worst received foreign group in Dublin (Ugba, 2009). Welcome for the group is tenuous, since Nigerians are considered racially different, uneducated, criminal, “too many,” and less desirable than Polish immigrants. The Nigerian community is also far from integrated in Dublin’s economic and social life. Nigerian immigrants continue to communicate and live among their compatriots as to protect their families and shield their children from being deemed “different.” While English language skills ease Nigerians’ ability to communicate with their hosts and render them better suited to fit in than their Polish counterparts, their accents and way of speech still mark them as dissimilar from the Irish. Africans’ racial and cultural differences from the Irish, however, tip the scales in Polish workers’ favor when it comes to economic and social integration in Dublin. Nigerians’ perceptions of the rejection of their larger ethnic community and its inability to fir in into Dublin’s life create feelings of

isolation among individual Nigerian immigrants (Table IV.1).

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