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Poles’ migration trajectories indicate conflicted sense of belonging in Dublin. In contrast to the perceptions of Dubliners, Polish workers migrated to Ireland not due to shared identity characteristics and a perception of common future with their hosts, but rather for a complex set of motives combining economic opportunity, desire for adventure, the wish to learn English and experience a different culture, and the prerogatives of family life. Political openness with European Union enlargement, the promise of support by family and friends, the ease of travel, and the positive image of Ireland in the Polish media serve as additional factors for choosing Ireland.

Table IV.3. Poles’ Motivation to Migrate to Ireland

Motive responses % of all Number respondents % of all Economic opportunity 27.4% 29 69%

Open borders (EU) 17.9% 19 45.2%

Adventure/experience 15.1% 16 38.1%

Social networks 14.1% 15 35.7%

Family prerogatives 10.4% 11 26.2%

Kinship and friendliness 8.5% 9 21.4%

Ease of travel 3.8% 4 9.5%

Media image 2.8% 3 7%

Total 100% 106 Of 42 persons

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Regardless of the myth of kinship in Irish public discourse, few Polish immigrants and representatives asserted that the Polish community migrated to Ireland in view of cultural affinity with the Irish. Three Polish respondents cited the shared history between the receiving and sending societies as one of the factors behind their decision, and a single Polish worker provided Ireland’s Catholic tradition as his main motive for choosing this destination. Seven among the forty-two participants quoted Irish people’s “similar” and friendly disposition and the small country’s comfortable way of life as reasons to choose Ireland over other potential host states. Because it is “the most friendly place in Europe for Polish people” and “Ireland is more like at home,” 16% of all participants “booked a one-way ticket” to Ireland instead of Sweden, which also removed

political and economic borders for new EU members joining in 2004 (Table IV.3).139

However, most chose Dublin for economic reasons. More than a quarter of all responses deem Dublin-bound migration the result of financial or economic factors and seven in ten of my Polish participants admit they are in Ireland because of the “taste of

money” (Jennifer, 29) (Table IV.3). Lack of economic opportunity at home, even for

college graduates, has pushed many Polish workers to seek alternative destinations of employment. Undesirable positions, “little money,” and high unemployment rates at home led many Polish immigrants to leave their country (Mary, 41). On the other hand, the booming and flexible economy and relatively high wages attracted Polish workers to Ireland in particular. The availability of work, especially in the building industry, the

139 _{Most participants gave multiple responses to the question “Why did you leave Poland and migrate to}

Ireland?” Therefore, while there are forty-two respondents who discussed this question, there are in fact one hundred and six recorded answers among them. The rest of the chapter takes account of the incidence of the responses both as percentage of all 42 respondents and all 106 responses given. While rates for each answer are radically different based on these two different modes of calculation, results are the same regardless of method.

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“good money” and the active recruitment of Polish workers by Irish companies and government agencies led Polish workers to swell up Dublin’s population (Devon, 33). A majority of respondents arrived for the money to supplement low pensions in Poland or to save up for a new business, a new house, or a wedding in the home country.

While financial troubles and lack of opportunity at home were the main motivations to leave Poland, economic prerogatives were often combined with desire for change from a routine reality, thirst for getting to know different societies, as well as aspirations for professional experience and sharper language skills. Almost four in ten of all participants referred to their migration as an “adventure” or “risky,” where in 15% of all responses the need for change, experience, and excitement served as the primary drive

behind labor mobility (Amy, 28; Kevin, 27; Ted, 28) (Table IV.3). The second largest

group of participants, therefore, left Poland to look for a better and more interesting life. This inevitably entailed gaining practical experience from the entrepreneurial Irish, meeting “a different culture,” as well as learning the English language (Rick, 45). The implication is that experience and skills acquired in Ireland would eventually be applied back in the home country.

Finally, a large group of Polish respondents left the sending country with the prerogative of maintaining their family unit. Family interest was the fifth most common motivation for migration, in 10% of all responses. More than one fourth of the forty-two participants who responded to this question suggested that they migrated to Dublin to preserve a relationship with their Polish partner or to develop a new one after meeting

Irish partners in Poland (Table IV.3). Other interviewees relocated to Dublin to help out

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Several other factors led Polish respondents to choose Ireland as a migration destination in particular. The enlargement of the European Union played a major role in Polish migration to Ireland. Almost half of my interviewees suggested their migration to Dublin was greatly influenced by the removal of political boundaries for Polish citizens

there (Table IV.3). According to 18%, the freedom of movement with EU widening

allowed the Polish to take advantage of opportunities in Ireland with “no border, no passports, no visas” or any other obstacles (George, 58). The “open door policy after EU enlargement” that Ireland espoused contributed to this country looking “like paradise” for many Poles (Thomas, 37). As one respondent shared, “enlargement definitely helped most of the Eastern European countries to go to the West and try to find a better place to live” (Zara, 30). EU enlargement helped regularize Polish workers already in Ireland and therefore improved the quality of their economic and social life. As one participant put it:

I live in Ireland for almost five years because there was big opportunity for us, Polish citizens, to come here in 2004 with European Union extension. So I decided to not go elsewhere because I couldn’t build my existence on illegal work (Rick, 45)

The ease of travel with open borders and an ever proliferating number of flights between Poland and Ireland was also quoted as a catalyst for Polish workers’ decision to migrate to Dublin. While not a leading factor, almost 10% of all respondents talked about Aer Lingus and Ryan Air, which “connect Ireland with almost every city in Poland” and make commuting between the two countries “very easy” (George, 58; Hailey, 60). A rising number of bus connections and improved Internet communications between receiving and sending states further facilitated Polish migration to Dublin.

A slew of information and a positive image of Ireland by friends, family or the Polish media, as well as the security of support upon arrival, also served to attract Polish workers to Dublin. Social and human networks made Ireland a preferred destination of

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Polish migration, as Poles already residing and working there presented the country as “paradise” (Lara, 32). The image of Ireland as “green,” “nice,” and “good economically” led 7% of all interviewees to conclude that they will like this particular destination. A place where a lot of their fellow citizens were already residing appeared like a safer and better bet for many Polish immigrants. The promise of support on the ground, in terms of accommodation, information, and even a job offer upon arrival, facilitated Poles’ decision to migrate to Ireland among more than one third of all participants. In 14% of all responses, Polish workers followed relatives or responded to professional opportunities

offered to them by friends and family (Table IV.3).

One respondent summarizes well the complicated motives behind Polish workers’ decision to migrate to Ireland: “Polish people came to Ireland because they wanted a better life. Second, it was very easy. Economic was very high. Of course also if all your friends are here, you are going to come here ... Of course there was a boom and many people came with the EU” (Thomas, 37). Economic motivation and a booming economy in Ireland combined with social networks, desire for adventure, and open borders to attract hundreds of thousands of Poles to Ireland. While a certain coziness and familiarity between Poland and Ireland exists, this feeling of kinship rarely led the decision of Polish workers to migrate to Dublin. Therefore, this sub-component of migration trajectories is

assigned a low value of 2 (Table IV.1).

Not only are Polish migrants in Dublin rarely led by feelings of perceived familiarity, but also they are recent arrivals who do not plan to settle in Ireland. In 2002, there were only 2,000 Polish residents officially in Ireland, a figure that soared to more than 62,000 in 2006 and more than 115,000 in 2011 (CSO, 2004, 2008, 2012a). While

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these numbers could simply reflect the illegality of Polish immigrants in Ireland prior to EU enlargement, they more likely suggest that Dublin-bound Polish migration occurred primarily after 2002. Among this project’s respondents, only 19% arrived prior to 2004. The majority (62%) migrated to Dublin immediately after Poland was admitted to the European Union, with another 19% arriving after 2007. At the time of their interviews in 2010, therefore, Polish participants have been in Ireland for an average of five year, insufficient time to set roots in the receiving city.

Polish workers also arrived with short-terms or unclear migration plans. Most interviewees planned a short trip to Dublin for a specific goal like raising money to purchase an accommodation in Poland or finance a wedding, obtain a larger pension, or take advantage of a specific program in Ireland. Six in ten Polish participants arrived in Dublin for several months and no more than several years. Another third were unsure of the length of their stay in Ireland. Only one in ten relocated either with the intention to settle in Dublin or to remain in the host state long-term.

However, the respondents have remained in Ireland beyond their original plans and have reluctantly put down roots in Dublin. Some remain in the country, because they have not reached their migration goals. However, other Polish workers admit they have stayed longer, because they are in good employment, “met nice people,” feel satisfied in Ireland, or have children who are now part of the Irish educational system (Michaela, 24). As one respondent put it, “the holiday [I initially planned] turned into six years” (Kevin, 27). Therefore, the Polish are neither here nor there, as they participate in life in Ireland, yet still consider their migration short-term and deny they have in fact settled. The group

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The feeling of being in-between is reflected in respondents’ plans for the future. Almost half of all participants would like to return to Poland and do not foresee living in Ireland indefinitely. As they have “left friends and family behind” and identify as “foreign” in Ireland, these respondents envision “having a proper life” in Poland (Nadine, 27; Peter, 32; Zara, 30). On the other hand, one third of all interviewees plan to remain in Dublin, since they “love Ireland,” made many friends, purchased property, or have a family in the city (Elizabeth, 36). One in five are unclear about their plans or unwilling to commit to specific arrangements. Among those planning to return, most remain unsure of

the exact date and continue extending their stay in Ireland.140

As they remain in Ireland longer and longer, respondents begin to admit their ties to their receiving society and the difficulty of returning home. As one Polish migrant shared, “I am very nationalist, so my mind was set on coming back. But lately I am realizing I might stay here for much longer than I thought. I started to be involved in more community things here. We are trying to get more connected to the Irish society and get more involved in Irish life” (Steven, 34). Another Polish worker suggests how hard it is to return as her son grows up in Ireland. According to a final respondent, if “something changes and I have a good job and I am happy, maybe I will stay” (Kevin, 27). In view of their conflicted migration plan, Polish workers are assigned an intermediate 3 for this

subcomponent of migration trajectories (Table IV.1).

In sum, Polish immigrants choose Ireland for mostly economic motives, consider their stay temporary, and plan to return to their home country. They feel more connected to Poland and continue to identify as “immigrants” in Dublin, in contrast to the

140 _{Only 8% of respondents had a specific date in mind to leave Ireland, whereas 65% reported being}

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perceptions of their Irish hosts. Nonetheless, as they remain in Dublin longer, they inevitably settle and become part of the city, thus extending their stay indefinitely. However, while they reluctantly participate in Irish society, they invest less in their host community and continue to plan their future lives in Poland. Poles’ migration trajectories,

therefore, indicate a relatively low level of belonging in the host city (Table IV.1).