El modelo adoptado por la Constitución de 1993

One of the most important outcomes of the Indonesian reformasi process fol- lowing the resignation of President Suharto in 1998 was the decentralisation of power over a wide variety of issues. Among other outcomes, decentralisation resulted in more freedom for religious communities to manage their own insti- tutions, more openness about their religious and ideological foundations, and – more specifically – more autonomy for religious communities to organise reli- gious education (cf. Bjork 2004).

We will now elaborate on how religious communities use their (poten- tial) normative, coercive and utilitarian power to shape the policies of religious education.

a. Normative power

Schools are not neutral in the way they transfer knowledge. The curriculum of religious education is characterised by an array of philosophical, psychological and sociological principles that reflect the specific religious and cultural back- ground of the school. Apart from the teaching of religion, which is mandated by the curriculum of the religious community, the students should be involved in religious rituals which have a role in the collective identity of a member of the school. It has often been noted that religious rituals are important in main- taining social cohesion and preventing conflict. Religious rituals might serve

“[…] to sustain the vitality of [common] beliefs, to keep them from be- ing effaced from memory, and in sum, to revivify the most essential elements of the collective consciousness. Through it, the group peri- odically renews the sentiments which it has of itself and of its unity; at the same time, individuals are strengthened in their social natures” (Durkheim 1964, 420).

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The amount of money for tuition fees varies according to school policy. For further discussion on the School Operational Support for High School Students programme, cf. the website of the Directorate of Secondary Education of the Ministry of Education: www.dikmen.kemdiknas.go.id/html/index.php?id=berita&kode=64 (accessed 15 Feb- ruary 2013).

Teaching in religiously-affiliated schools encourages the creation of a specific school culture which contributes to the preservation of a cultural heritage by transferring normative teachings from generation to generation. Schools submit to the normative power of the local religious community in return for receiving their recognition. As a consequence, religious communities expect school poli- cies to be in accordance with the normative teaching of the religious commu- nity.67 Teaching religion is a highly normative activity, in the sense that reli- gious education is not only related to knowledge building, but also concerns value systems (cf. Buzelli and Johnston 2002). Values can be interpreted as the principles that give meaning to human action, and in general are always present in religious education (cf. Jackson, ed. 2003; Fallona 2000), and thus religious education is never value-free.

Religious communities exercise their normative power in two ways: by means of the requirements for teachers, and the use of specific textbooks. First, teachers are expected to be committed members of their religious community and to have a normative understanding of the religious teachings of their reli- gious community. More specifically this means that teachers in Islamic Mu- hammadiyah schools should be members of Muhammadiyah, while teachers in Wahid Hasyim schools are expected to be members of Nahdlatul Ulama. Simi- larly, religious education teachers in Protestant schools are required to be ac- tive members of one of the Churches or the Communion of Churches in Indo- nesia [Persekutuan Gereja-gereja di Indonesia, or PGI], while religious educa- tion teachers in Catholic schools are required to be practising and committed Catholics. On top of this, some schools implement an additional curriculum, emphasising participation in the religious rituals of a specific religious com- munity, and use specific textbooks. In this way, it appears, local religious communities strive for a religious education compatible with their own specific ideologies.

b. Coercive power

The coercive power of the religious communities is exercised in two ways: in the appointment of headmasters, and the organisation of school examinations. The headmaster is a member of the religious community, and he or she must give an annual report to the board of the foundation, including a section on religious education. The headmaster is also required to discuss the implementa- tion of the policies of religious education in the classroom with the board of the education foundation [Yayasan Pendidikan]. In some schools, in addition to the State examinations, the board, together with the teachers of religion, draw up

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There was a case at one of the Al-Azhar schools in Jakarta, in which the religious community removed its recognition of the school, as it did not follow the normative regulation of the religious community. As a result, the school was forced to change its name, and is no longer regarded as belonging to that religious community.

school examinations for the subject of religious education. These aim to test whether students practise religious rituals in accordance with the normative teachings of the religious community, such as daily prayer, or reciting the Holy Scripture, etc.68

c. Utilitarian power

Utilitarian power of the religious community is exercised through the school board, in two ways: provision of infrastructure and equipment, and financial support. The board is responsible for providing school buildings and learning equipment. Schools formulate a yearly budget, to be discussed with the board. If student contributions are not sufficient to cover the school expenses, the board is expected to take care of additional funding. School expenses (includ- ing remuneration of headmasters) are discussed with the board of the founda- tion on behalf of the religious community.

Table 3.1. Potential ways in which State and religious communities exercise

their power on policies for religious education

Normative power Coercive power Utilitarian power State x Qualification of teachers x Development of curriculum and textbooks x Administrative control through inspection x State’s examina- tions

x Material supports such as school equipment and building mainte- nance x Financial support Religious communities x Recognition of teachers x Development of curriculum and textbooks x Appointment of headmaster x School’s exami- nations x Provision of infra- structure and equip- ment

x Financial support

3.3. Research design

In this section, we will introduce our methods for data collection (e.g. inter- views), sampling, and the design of our analysis.