Hinduism in India is steeped in rituals that are performed daily as well as on special occasions. The first-generation parents tends to “go through the motions,” while the second- generation children demand to understand the meaning behind the actions (Min 2010). Every Puja has specific actions that can vary across caste, Indian state, and family. Although there are commonalities in the content of each Puja, each family and ancestral Indian state can have slight variations on how the Puja should be conducted. “Going through the motions” refers to such behaviors as repeating sacred chants or placing haldi (turmeric) on the forehead of a person or picture of a deity. The second-generation Indian Americans prefer to understand the meaning behind these types of actions. The participants in my study reported similar thoughts about rituals. Consequently, “Sunday schools” for Hindus have emerged across the United States. These schools, led by Hindu priests or swamis, teach the history and philosophy of Hinduism. When a sizable number of Indians gather in a city, Hindus begin to plan a temple (Khandelwal 2002). Visitors returning from India bring religious paraphernalia, including books and articles for Pujas (p. 87). Temples built in the United States are more than sites of worship; they are cultural centers for co-ethnics to gather and reaffirm heritage. More importantly, temples serve as social sites to teach children Indian culture.
Participants frequently reported that, as children, they performed rituals as directed by first-generation mothers. However, their mothers rarely explained why they performed the ritual or the meaning behind the different actions. First-generation fathers were more likely than their wives to possess deeper understanding of the rituals as well as a historical view of Hinduism. Perhaps this is the reason for participants reporting that religion was one of the few topics they discuss with their fathers.
As parents, the second-generation have limited resources to learn the basis of the religion. Is Hinduism a particular philosophy (spiritual) or is it comprised of rituals and daily prayers (practice)?
Mansi: My mom does all these Pujas and everything, and we just played along. Hey, okay fine, we’ll say these chants, we’ll eat the food. But one day it was really funny, this was after I got married, it’s kind of early stages of our marriage – we were asking, “Oh, so what is Navratri about? What is the significance?” And my mom just like giggles and, “I don’t know!” And we’re like, okay. And then the next time we saw her she made it a point to find out, and tell us about it.
Interviewer: Well, that’s nice though.
Mansi: Oh, well, maybe. I think for my mom too, she came here, [and] her mother, my grandmother, was very, very orthodox and did all the things [rituals]. And so she was trying to continue that. Probably every generation gets a little diluted. She’s probably doing it because, “Hey, my mom’s doing it, and this is what I grew up with, so that’s what I’m gonna do.” I don’t know. I didn’t think she, in particular, really found out what is the meaning of this? What is the significance?
This excerpt illustrates how religiosity varies from the first- to second-generation. Performing the rituals is embedded in Mansi’s mother’s daily life, though she still does not know what the parts of the ritual mean. Modern Hinduism is rooted in the ritual rather than an abstract
philosophical teaching. For many of the second-generation Indian Americans, “going through the motions” without explanation is unacceptable. Interestingly, they are not rejecting the
performance of the ritual; they want to understand what they are doing. Oftentimes, discussing Hinduism forged communication with parents.
Interviewer: Did they talk to you about Hinduism and explain --?
Charu: Yeah. Mostly, it was just kind of questions that I would have growing up and so they would try to explain. A lot of it stems from just tradition. So for me, I’m the type of person who doesn’t take [it on face value]. If something is being done, I need to know the reasons why it’s being done. An answer, like, “it’s just tradition,” or “it’s the way it’s been,” that
doesn’t fit well with me. So, I really need to know the reasons why we’re [doing it]. As you probably know, there are certain things that are just lost in translation and have been that way. From a traditional standpoint, it’s been locked in the tradition even though the actual meaning at one point in time, made sense.
Interviewer: Well, would both your parents – were they equally patient in answering your questions or did you go to one more than the other?
Charu: Yeah. My dad was able to give me probably a little bit more of a scientific reason behind things. And if he didn’t know, he would ask my mom. But they pretty much both would answer a question.
Interestingly, Charu makes sense of the religious tradition by referring to the explanation as the “scientific reason” behind rituals. Rituals not only have a religious significance, but a secular one as well. Because Pujas represent such a significant aspect of Indian culture, its as if they are more in the secular domain than sacred. By learning the historical roots behind the actions, Charu is learning about culture. Perhaps this is why she conflated religion with science; Charu is learning about her cultural past, not so much about enhancing her spirituality.
Raised in the United States, the second-generation are socialized to a Western religious vocabulary. Joshi (2006) explains that Christian tenets in manners of practice and worship, such as kneeling, holding hands in prayer, congregational worship, and social and legal recognition of Christian holidays, affect the second-generation in two basic ways.
First, this generation cannot avoid absorbing Western sentiments concerning religion. For example, all but one family celebrated Christmas. Three families did not celebrate Christmas as children, but do celebrate for their third-generation children. “Not the religious part,” was a common caveat, though the reason for Christmas is the recognition of the birth of Jesus and, more importantly, the existence of Jesus. Christmas was by far the largest and most important
celebration in the family. No other Hindu holiday was reported as observed on a similar scale (as discussed in chapter 8).
Second, the vocabulary is different for Hinduism and Western religions. As mentioned, non-Indian inquiries about Hinduism reinforce a version of “American Hinduism.” Beyond asking how often they go to temple, basic questions non-Indians may ask about the foundation of Hinduism demand that second-generation Indian Americans demonstrate a little understanding of their religion. Playing cultural ambassador is not difficult for questions about food, clothing, or marriage. However, questions about the intricacies of Hinduism pose a problem. As Joshi (2006) states, “Indians from India ‘just believe’ in their religions, while Indians raised in America seem to want to know why to believe it” (p. 27). Consequently, about half of the participants reported that they would like to send third-generation children to Hindu classes in the future or were currently sending them to classes. Amira and Anish explain their involvement with Hindu Sunday school.
Amira: We started going to the Ashram. The Swamiji is American, and he basically just teaches children about Hinduism and all that.
Anish: Yeah, he went to India and was under somebody’s teachings or whatever, so he’s very good.
Amira: And it’s good that he can communicate well with the kids. Like understanding him is much easier versus some other Swami. Interviewer: You said they [children] like it?
Anish: Yeah. He has a very clever way of reaching the kids to talk about the old rishis and how it was, and things like that.
Interviewer: How often is this?
It’s in a lecture format. And he’ll tell you, “quiet kids, we’re not in the kiddie session now. We’re in the teenager session, so you have to listen. You have to participate.” It’s going to be like a college format. So it’s very nice.
Amira: Yeah. He chooses a topic and then he talks on it. Anish: And he has slides.
Amira: The dos and don’ts of Hinduism. Things like that. Interviewer: Do you talk to the kids afterwards about it?
Anish: Sometimes, definitely.
Amira: Yeah, sometimes we discuss. And then he also has a debate after that, 15 minute debate.
Anish: About karma and things like that.
Amira: And he’ll be like what do you think? Kids will say, “oh my parents say this, but you’re saying something else. “
Anish: Its very nice. Very good.
Amira said that she prays almost every day and reported that she considers herself to be fairly religious. Anish said that he did not consider himself religious. Regardless of their religiosity, the structured Hindu classes for their third-generation children are very important. The burden of explaining the complexities of Hinduism has been transferred to someone else. Moreover, the parents believe that this swami is an expert. Amira and Anish described his qualifications by his background (he went to India to study,) and structured format. His academic approach further illustrates departure from his first-generation parents’ “going through the motions.” Through Hindu classes for third-generation children, parents are striving to teach the religion in a credible manner. The other half of Hindu parents intend to rely on their parents as well as forms of instruction, such as books and DVDs.
Interviewer: Do you think teaching your son about Hinduism, is that important to you? Jyoti: Yeah.
Jay: Yeah.
Interviewer: How do you think you’ll do that? Jyoti: Ask my parents.
Jay: I don’t know. Yeah, I think it’s going to be a little bit of everything. I think it’s going to be the grandparents. I think it’s going to be you know the…
Jyoti: Maybe through books. We’ll have these cartoon DVDs about Krishna and Ganesh.
Jay: Yeah, well we have DVD’s.
As mentioned, Hinduism does not have centralized texts or deities. These commercial forms of instruction package a generic form of Hinduism. However, it is providing a succinct explanation to mainstream American culture. Whether it is through a “qualified” religious leader or other sources, second-generation Indian Americans are not relying on their own knowledge of Hinduism to teach their children. Aside from teaching their children, the complexities of
Hinduism may make it difficult the second-generation parents to perform the rituals in the home. Interviewer: So you learned by example, by watching her [mother] and you can do
what she did.
Mansi: I cannot do exactly what she did right now. I cannot. Because I don’t know what I’m doing.
Actually now they have things to make it easier. The Pujas on tape. And she actually used that. It’s funny because you know when you do a Puja, you’re like, “Okay,” it says, “Okay, at this time, put the haldi over the Ganesha.” And then they chant some chants. And then they stop and say, “Okay, at this time, pour some water on the flowers.” This tape is telling you that, it’s really neat.
In this instance, Mansi was not so concerned with the philosophical explanation, but merely the order of the actions. Demanding to understand the meanings did not imply that my participants would not perform the Pujas. There are many Pujas within Hinduism and how, when, and the deity vary by family and region. Without a centralized text for of worship, it is difficult to understand which Pujas to hold, when, and what happens during each one. Yet, parents desire to keep these traditions for their third-generation children. Much about Indian culture can be taught when a Puja takes place. The Puja involves socializing with other Indians as well as experiencing the food, language, and traditional clothing. Consequently, Hinduism provides an excellent channel to teach third-generation children a sense of “Indianness.”