There were instances where seafarers, particularly senior officers, became extremely angry when stowaways were discovered on board. This is not surprising, considering the extreme challenges seafarers face in port. There are economic pressures on seafarers to complete cargo operations as soon as practicable and leave port in order to minimise operation costs and meet tight schedules. As the previous section clearly demonstrated, in ports where there is an increased risk of picking up stowaways, this pressure is exacerbated. It is a relative relief for seafarers, particularly those in the deck department, to finish port operations and sail out to sea. Hence, when confronted with stowaways on board after the intense work pressure experienced in port, some senior officers get extremely agitated.
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For instance, Captain Joseph described his experience with stowaways as follows. Although his experience with stowaways took place when he was a chief mate in 1981, and hence, much earlier than the mandatory security duties that followed from the ISPS code, his experience still highlights the anger some seafarers feel when confronted with stowaways after a busy schedule in port. The fact that operations in ports have become increasingly demanding for seafarers makes his account ever more insightful.
Because the stevedores in the Sudan did not know how to handle this cargo, I had to learn how to handle the cargo. I doubled up the crew so that we could work day and night shifts. […] We were all tired, but after four days of work, we were almost done and we could slip our lines at two o’clock in the morning. But that prevented us from having a good thorough stowaway search. But I was happy to get out and leave the port. […] We had left the port at two o’clock and at six o’clock in the morning, the steward knocked on my door and he was holding up these two guys […] I was mad! I was about as close to murdering somebody as I ever got. I was just thinking, ‘oh you know, there goes more paperwork, more headaches […].’ I’m not a violent person, but the first thing that entered my mind is, ‘all this could be over if we just toss them back in the ocean.’ But of course, your humanity takes over and you try to do the best you can. (Captain Joseph, American)
Similarly, the following account by Captain Rajav, who was a third officer on the ship when he had an incident with stowaways, also demonstrates the anger some senior officers feel.
They were brought up [to the bridge] and they were asked questions. […] I mean, what happened on the bridge was just an outburst of ‘why the hell are you here? Why the F are you here? How did you come in?’ That was the captain. It was not necessary. I mean it was not questioning. It was outburst really. ‘You’re adding a hassle into my life’ sort of thing. […]It was not a very calm conversation. ‘What the fuck! [Bosun] you take them forward and make them do something that’s really tough.’ That sort of thing, out of frustration that they are on board and therefore problem. (Captain Rajav,
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However, senior officers are not the only ones that may react angrily when stowaways are discovered. In fact, in some cases other crew members reacted angrily and senior officers stepped in to calm the crew down. As the following account demonstrates, crew members can get agitated as the disruption stowaways cause is obvious to all, particularly when the stowaways have boarded in large numbers.
Everybody was angry, really. Many people were angry. Many people wanted to kick them because, you know, for us, how to handle them? But the captain said, ‘don't do all those things. Don’t hit anybody.’ Captain said, ‘what is the point? We know these things. We have to handle this. Okay, no problem. We have to take care of them for only 24 hours.’ […] And the people who got angry, they calmed down and we started doing our normal duties. […]But everybody was angry because they were on board the ship. Stowaways on board means headache. Additional duty, additional headache, additional watch, additional working hours. So, everybody initially got angry, you know. […] The headache is how to handle these guys. Usually they are two. Now, it is 11. How to handle them. Very difficult, you know.
(Chief Officer Rohit, Indian)
However, seafarers do not always react in such a manner. In fact, there were ample examples during interviews with both stowaways and seafarers where the seafarers were reported to have responded very calmly. Nonetheless, most often the initial detection of stowaways on board is fraught with fear on both sides. Seafarers are often anxious for their safety when they initially encounter stowaways. The stowaways are also fearful about possible violent reactions by the seafarers. In such cases, senior officers play an important role in providing guidance to the whole crew.
Third officer and duty AB were scared because the incident happened at night time. […] We carried some steel pipe, and ropes and some wood. So, Bosun, AB, and fitter and some of the young guys, I think at least five or six people carry some of the protective tool to, yes, to protect ourselves against these two guys, yes. Because when we heard this news actually, we didn’t know how many stowaways we had on board. How many African guys, what kind of weapon they had, maybe some knife or maybe some of the more dangerous weapon. So, we use some protection too, yes.
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Interviewer: Did any of the seafarers use those protective tools on the
stowaways?
No, no. And they…you know, all the seafarers follow my order. And actually, I stand in front of my crew. And I will ask my question to the two guys. And, you know, when we saw each other, the stowaways were more scared than us because we are more than 13 crew, they were two guys.
(Captain Yang, Chinese)
As I pointed out in Chapter Four, stowaways are sometimes lumped together with pirates constituting a ‘stowaway-piracy nexus’. In geographical areas where there is a history of piracy, such as West Africa, seafarers also fear that the stowaways could possibly be pirates further exacerbating the tension during the initial encounter. For instance, one chief engineer who had a stowaway experience off the Nigerian coast gave an account of the fear his colleagues felt on the ship. Stowaways’ accounts are also replete with details of seafarers screaming and running away when they unexpectedly ran into stowaways in different parts of the ship. This is particularly intensified when a seafarer is alone.
I remember that [the seafarers] said, when they saw [the stowaway] actually they were a bit scared because in Nigeria there were rumours about pirates and all that. So, we were not sure whether it was a pirate or…, from what they said. They were scared and they were taking, what do you call them? They were taking pieces of metal as if the stowaway was going to attack. But then the person was not holding anything. The person was unarmed. So, they just escorted him to the captain’s room and later to the tally room like I said.
(Chief Engineer Lamptey, Ghanaian)
On the other hand, stowaways also tend to be more apprehensive and fearful during the initial encounter with seafarers. Here again, officers play a critical role in assuming leadership and diffusing the tension as the following account demonstrates:
Well, one of the AB shouted and informed the bridge. Then, the bridge raised the alarm and all the crew mustered at the station. They shouted ‘stowaway! stowaway!’ and they all came towards me. During that time I feared that they might beat me, so I ran to the bridge. […] it was because I feared they might beat me up. Because when I saw one of the guys carrying a stick, I was
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not sure if it was because he thought I was a pirate. Then, when they heard ‘stowaway! stowaway!’, they were all carrying sticks. So I ran to the bridge and told them, ‘I am just a stowaway, there is nothing I am carrying’. They calmed down. The third mate calmed everyone down and called the captain.
(Eyoel, Ethiopian stowaway, author’s translation).
In light of such tension during the initial stages of stowaway discovery on board, how one reveals himself to the seafarers constitutes an important component of the stowaway counter-apodemics. The stowaways are very apprehensive in these initial stages based on their experiences (own or imparted) with some violent seafarers. This does not necessarily suggest that seafarers often resort to physical violence when stowaways are spotted on board. In fact, although some of my seafarer respondents indicated that in their experiences the seafarers were initially afraid and that they carried ‘protective tools’ such as broom sticks and pieces of metal, all of them pointed out that there was no physical violence involved. However, there was the temptation in few cases and senior officers managed to calm the crew down.
It is rather in the accounts of the stowaways that there were a number of incidents where the seafarers got violent. Such discrepancies occur for a number of reasons. First, most of the seafarers (11 of them) had only had one experience with stowaways in their entire careers till the time of the interviews. The remaining six experienced between two to four stowaway incidents. The average number of successful attempts by a stowaway on the other hand, i.e. where they were not detected while the ship is in port and sailed out with the ship, was more than five with some exceeding eleven successful attempts (see Appendices 2 & 3). Hence, it is not surprising that the stowaways have many more accounts of stowaway-seafarer interaction and maltreatment. There is also the possibility that seafarers may not have been forthcoming when it came to the issue of their own maltreatment of stowaways.
Secondly, as the stowaway counter-apodemics is a body of shared knowledge aimed at increasing chances of survival and success while minimising risk, it is bound to be much more geared towards highlighting challenges and bad experiences. In fact, when stowaways provided accounts of their experiences there were many examples of seafarers responding in accordance with the recommended procedures. Nonetheless, their counter-apodemics is a survival tool and a ‘risk minimising’ body of shared knowledge. Accordingly, stowaways emphasised the need to avoid other seafarers and head to the bridge as quickly as possible when they come out of
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hiding. Following on from the previous account, Eyoel elaborated further on why he saw the need to run to the bridge by relating it to another experience he had on another ship.
Because some of them might just push you overboard or beat you up. But if the officers saw you, they would either take you to the captain or he might even be already there. So if the officers see you, we believe that such things won’t happen. […]There is something I experienced myself. In 2002, when I began stowing away, I boarded a Bahraini ship. That was my first ship. I was hiding and I was caught in the ratings’ mess when I went in looking for food. They were playing cards, two of them. The rest were asleep. So, I remember the Bosun and the Fitter raised my two feet on the chair and they kicked my feet with a stick. When they kicked me once or twice my foot started bleeding. When that happened they took me to the captain. […]First they asked me where I was hiding. I think they were the ones who were assigned to search that area during the stowaway search. So, when I told them I was hiding in that place, they insisted I was not hiding there. I again told them that I was hiding at that place. They said, ‘no, you were not hiding there’ and they started beating me. Because they would be held accountable since they were assigned to search that area. (Eyoel, Ethiopian stowaway, author’s
translation)
Another stowaway also shared his experience of being beaten on board when he was initially found.
[He say the day he went to the captain on the Chinese ship, the Chinese seafarers they caught him when he was coming out from the engine. So, they start beat him with] some irons, [they use iron, they use stick.] I got injury until today. [The Chinese people they did that, they beat him to injury the arm. That was the first time, with the other seafarers that never happened to him.] (Mbongo Mzulu, Tanzanian stowaway, interpreted by Mohab)
As a result of such accounts that are shared among themselves, the stowaways are very explicit about how they would reveal themselves on the ship. They emphasise that it is best to come out of hiding during the day, preferably morning, and avoid ratings. Instead they prefer to head as quietly and as quickly as possible to the navigation deck.
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When you stowaway a ship, don’t come out in the night, you know. Stay there until in the morning, dangerous. It’s like you terrify the person, you terrify someone. Because we are in the middle of the sea and then it is night. So in the sea there is so many thing. So, you can come in the night and there is somebody who won’t believe you are human being. So, he can even put you in the water thinking maybe you gonna harm him, you know. So, he say don’t come in the night. (Sadik, Tanzanian stowaway, interpreted by Mohab)
The following quote further demonstrates that the initial encounter between seafarers and stowaways is a tense one fraught with fear for both sides, and one that can also turn violent. While seafarers are likely to get both frightened and angry with the possibility of getting physically aggressive, stowaways try to draw from their shared experiences and body of knowledge to minimise the risk of violence and ensure their safety. When one was asked if he tried to avoid ratings when coming out of hiding, he answered:
But I have heard from those who were before me about such incidents. There were a couple of boys who were thrown overboard near Tanzania without the knowledge of the captain. But I am not aware of any tangible incidents. All I know is that [the stowaways] have this attitude towards the ratings.
(Yonathan, Ethiopian stowaway, author’s translation)
Seafarers are also advised to take a number of precautions to protect themselves, as well as the stowaways, starting from the stowaway searches to the final disembarkation of the stowaways. For instance, they are advised not to conduct stowaway searches alone and to take precautions to ensure their own safety and that of the stowaways. Furthermore, they are advised to avoid search methods that could potentially harm stowaways (IMO 2011b; Jones 2014, pp. 43-46). Seafarers are also advised to be calm, firm and cautious. Some of the detailed guidelines include, inter alia, having the stowaways ‘extend their arms straight out with palms up’ as well as ‘order the person to place hands on head’, ‘turn until facing away from the seafarers’, have the stowaways ‘remove any outer clothing, empty all pockets, remove belt and shoes’, etc. Instructions are also provided on how to do body searches as well as advising additional personal protective equipment, such as vests, if there is a history of violence by stowaways from certain ports (Jones 2014, pp. 45-46). While these procedures and precautionary advices may be pedantic, they are useful considering the usually tense initial encounter. As the subsequent discussion will point out, lack of training and failure to follow
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recommended practices, such as separating stowaways when detaining them on board, can prove to be costly to seafarers.