Estudios experimentales en entornos educativos

Nambela's knowledge of the human body seems based on what she perceives clairvoyantly during the divination. In this way too she receives information about the symptoms and the solution e.g. the type of herbal remedies that were to be applied. Nambela would attribute the efficacy of herbal medicine, or dawa ya miti shamba (lit. plant medicines from the field), to the power of nature and God. This she often stated at the end of a divination session but was repeated during the weekly religious prayers in which Nambela always said ‘God will help you (Mitngu atasaidia), for God is the only healer’. Just as she considered herself to be an intermediary between God and the people, so was the plant. Nambela regularly stressed in this context that medicine would only be effective if people had cleared their problems or faults, an approach that had been common among the Nyiha in the past.

As soon as all problems are cleared from the heart (kutoa mawazo za moyo) pepo patients would be encouraged to experience and manifest pepo forces by means of musical sessions. The songs that were sung during group singing sessions contained a lot of information about the emotional, social and religious aspects of pepo. But more important was that a total opening to the songs was achieved. For this purpose the singers gathered around the patients ear. All patients participated in this process and since I often took part too I noticed how easy it was to stop thinking, for the strong vibrations of the voices would completely occupy me. It

was easy to understand that this has a hypnotizing effect on everyone.

The liberation of pepo resulted in a state of trance in which a person’s willpower was taken over by another power. When this happened vigorously Nambela divined the patient to find out if he had a calling to be a pepo healer. Yet also without having a calling, most patients had visionary sights after having experienced the liberation of pepo for a length of time.

It was demonstrated in this article how, by the use of songs, music opened a gateway to altered states of consciousness. Patients could encounter experiences that went beyond the physical involving emotional, mental and spiritual changes which stretched out from (he personal to the transpersonal level (experiences that go beyond the personal). These experiences could have a beneficial outcome as they confronted patients with their suppressed feelings which were at the bases of their spiritual afflictions. By clearing both mind and body people should restore their balance, spur their self-healing principle, and encounter spiritual growth. In other words, the individual affliction gradually transformed into a positive experience, both for the individual as well as the social group. This process is strongly parallel with Kundalini yoga experiences (Avalon 1974).

Let me summarize:

1. When pepo was asleep this was felt like a bundle of heat or power in a certain part of the lower body. As patients experienced this sensation they shivered from within the spine where an internal fire was experienced. Therefore the singers often shouted: chema, chema, amka pepo or "come to a boil and let pepo wake up”.

2. As the sensation of an internal fire would rise up from the abdomen with the help of the singing it would eventually leave the head via the crown, thereby awakening and liberating pepo. At this stage, people lost control while another power took over their mind and body.

3. Those patients with stronger spirit forces sooner benefited from the healing sessions. In other words, their consciousness opened further as personal wellbeing was achieved which was accompanied by visionary sights and the impulse to help others by finding medicinal plants and exposing evil.

4. Those with strong pepo (pepo joto, literally a hot pepo) were encouraged to gain control over their spiritual powers and become novice healers. In this case they had to abide by pepo regulations (sheria wa pepo). The major disciplines were food restrictions, to be followed upon indication of the spirits, and not to misuse their newly gained spirit powers. The novice healers were profoundly made aware that protection and personal wellbeing were now in the hands of the spirits. Subsequently they had no need to ask a fee for treatment. To diminish the disturbances in communication between the spirits and the healer, the novice healers were not to take alcoholic drinks, and not to maintain sexual affairs with others than one’s own partner. Those healers who violated these regulations not only suffered from illness again, they also saw their skills and powers diminish or end.

This parallel with my personal Kundalini yoga practices may indicate that certain historical relationships exist between yoga, occult practices and shamanism (Elude 1983). More important is, however, that spiritual forces or clairvoyant

abilities are largely culturally shaped and that the experience remains subjective and thus highly individual. Spirits, devils, gods or angels may have no power or reality to those who do not believe in their existence.

To others who do give them energy through their beliefs, they are very real. In African cultures, where people may feel restricted to show their emotions, traditional healing practices are an important arena for expression. Simultaneously this arena also allows for the transmission and diffusion of a cultural healing heritage.

Author

Dr. Jessica Erdtsieck

Masters in Anthropology, studied anthropology at the University of Amsterdam and is now in the final stage of writing a PhD thesis which concerns a comparative study of pepo healers in Tanzania. This thesis deals with the various types of spirit forces that healers use and how these forces relate to geographical, historical and cultural dynamics. So far most accounts of traditional healers have been focused around male specialists therefore in her thesis she directs the main attention to the roles of female healers.

Contact: E-Mail: [email protected]

References

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