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F4B ARMADURES PASSIVES

In document Legislació del cicle de l aigua (página 104-106)

CÀRREGA I TRANSPORT DE MATERIAL D’EXCAVACIÓ I RESIDUS:

F4B ARMADURES PASSIVES

Literally hundreds of personal objects and iconographic bullae from ancient Israelite culture have been uncovered in archaeological digs in Palestine (Schniedewind 2013:100-105). I will not include these in the current discussion for two reasons: there are too many to analyze comprehensively in this dissertation; more importantly, images, especially bullae, are too un- derspecified in order to be of sufficient conceptual value for inclusion here (Keel &

Uehlinger 1998:207).95 Indeed, I argue that the same can be said for all the iconographic evi-

dence from ancient Israelite culture specifically concerning YHWH and light (including the

95. However, Keel & Uehlinger (1998:248-277) argue strongly that the solar and avian imagery present in seal impressions and other iconographic items from ancient Israel can be interpreted via systems of Egyptian symbology (see discussion in Chapter 6). I find this very likely, even to the point of agreeing that perhaps the Israelites had "an intense fascination with Egyptian royal symbols" (Keel & Uehlinger 1998:266). Nevertheless, this does not lead one "inevitably to formulate a hypothesis that ... the Israelite Yahweh took on the

characteristics of a celestial/solar 'Most High God' during Iron Age IIB as well" (Keel & Uehlinger 1998:261). Keel & Uehlinger have only demonstrated the possibility that such a conceptual shift might have taken place; the evidence provided falls short of proving anything substantial concerning an actual conceptualization of YHWH specifically. The

conclusions of Keel & Uehlinger regarding the cognitive semantics of "the metaphor of Yahweh as the sun god" (Keel & Uehlinger 1998:277) do not sufficiently interact with the linguistic evidence from the OT to be persuasive. In short, Keel & Uehlinger's arguments concerning the conceptualization of YHWH based on Egyptian symbology are plausibly

sun). Much discussion has ensued over a cult stand found in 1968 at Tel Ta'annek (Lapp 1969:42):

The cult stand has four registers, all of which bear some decoration. The top register portrays a quadruped underneath a circular design. The second register down depicts a 'tree of life' flanked by goats, the third is hollow in the middle with sphinxes on either side, and the bottom register depicts a nude female figure holding onto the ears of lions on either side (Wiggins 1996:92).

Taylor argues that, in parallel with the depiction of the goddess Asherah on the second and fourth tiers, this cult stand intends to represent the deity YHWH on the third tier in the vacant

space "between two cherubim" (Taylor 1993:29; cf. 1 Sam 4:4, 6:2; 2 Ki 19:15; Isa 37:16) and as the sun-disk on the first tier. However, Wiggins (1996:92-94) shows that these identi- fications are not certain by any means, even doubting the equation of the aniconic "image" in the third tier with YHWH, which is the linchpin for Taylor's entire argument (Doak

2015:129-131). Keel & Uehlinger (1998:157-159) see no allusion to YHWH in this artifact;

there simply is not sufficient evidence from this cult stand to infer that any of the images are intended to depict the deity YHWH. Perhaps the sun-disk on the top tier depicts a deity, but

perhaps not; it might simply depict the sun (Doak 2007:1-6) or perhaps the broader celestial realm (Keel & Uehlinger 1998:160). Taylor's arguments concerning Judahite royal insignia containing sun-disk, sun-beetle, and rosette images are equally forced, and he himself admits that his conclusions are speculative (Taylor 1993:44-58).96

While the presence of solar imagery in ancient Israelite iconography might plausibly reflect a conceptualization of YHWH as the sun, there is no explicit identification as such. But

even if such an identification were made by the iconography, this merely supplements the conceptualization of YHWH in the OT but does not countermand or even clarify it.

It is important to clarify at an early point in the discussion of the relationship between Yahweh and the sun a common misconception concerning several relevant biblical pas- sages. Passages such as Genesis 1, Psalm 19, and 1 Kings 8.53 LXX which refer to Yah- weh (or God) setting the sun in the heavens do not deny the possibility of any form of rela- tionship between God and the sun as a kind of polemic against sun worship, as is often argued. Rather, since sun cults typically distinguish the sun god from the physical form of the sun itself (the cult of Aten being the notable exception), and similarly attribute the cre-

ation of the sun to the sun god, these passages are at least as likely to presuppose or uphold some form of relationship between God and the sun (Taylor 1993:258).

As shown in the above quote, Taylor affirms outright in his study of cultic solar imagery in ancient Israelite literature and culture that the conceptual relationship between the sun god and the sun in most ANE solar cults was not ontological in nature (with the exception of the Aten cult). He may or may not be correct here, but the question remains: What is the precise

conceptual relationship between the sun and the sun god(s) in ANE solar cults? According to

the linguistic analysis conducted in the previous chapter, the OT suggests that, in the case of the deity YHWH, there may have been at least some sort of metaphorical relationship, utilizing

the structural metaphor YHWHISA METAPHYSICAL SUN operating on the primary metaphor

YHWHISA PERSON. As I have shown already, this specific metaphor is not necessarily in con-

flict with the metaphor YHWHIS SELF-GENERATING LIGHT. However, the theological implica-

tions of these metaphysical assertions will not be explored until Chapter 7.

In document Legislació del cicle de l aigua (página 104-106)