Fases del proyecto:

Table 21 shows the PMP phonemes which are preserved identically in PCF, while Table 22 shows those PMP phonemes which undergo some change in PCF. These correspondences reflect initial and medial position only; in final position, all PMP consonants are lost, and do not normally produce changes in the preceding vowels.

PMP nasals *m, *n, *˜n, *N The rather rare PMP palatal nasal *˜n is merged to PCF *n, as in PMP *˜naRa ⇒ PCF *nara ‘brother (term of address used by women)’. The other PMP nasals are retained *m, *n, *N⇒ PCF *m, *n, *N everywhere except in final position, where they are deleted. PMP nasals can also undergo special developments

Table 21: Identical reflexes of PMP phonemes in PCF pmp *p *t *k *m *n *N *s *w pcf *p *t *k *m *n *N *s *w lio p t k m n N s w end p t k m n N s w e:ngo p t k m n N s w w:ngo p t k m n N s w keo p t k m n N s w e:nag p t k m n N s w c:nag p t k m n N s w e:ngd p t k m n N s w w:ngd p t k m n N s w c:ngd p t k m n N s w ron p t k m n N s w

Table 22: Non-identical reflexes of PMP phonemes in PCF

pmp *q *b *z *j *˜n *h *R *y envir V V else pcf *P *∅ *w *dZ *dZ *n *∅ *r *y lio P ∅ w dZ dZ n ∅ r dZ end P ∅ w r r n ∅ r dZ e:ngo P ∅ w y y n ∅ y dZ w:ngo P ∅ w ô ô n ∅ y tS keo P ∅ w r r n ∅ l dZ e:nag P ∅ w ô ô n ∅ l tS c:nag P ∅ w r r n ∅ ∅ dZ e:ngd P ∅ w r r n ∅ r dZ w:ngd P ∅ w dZ dZ n ∅ r dZ c:ngd P ∅ w z z n ∅ r z ron P ∅ w ô ô n ∅ r dZ

when they come into contact with stops, sometimes preventing lenition of PMP *b, *d but themselves being deleted in the process.

Table 23: Reflexes of PMP *m, *n, *˜n, *Nin PCF

pmp *m *n *˜n *N pcf *m *n *˜n *N pmp *lima *anak *mi˜nak *taliNa

pcf *lima *ana *mina *kliNa lio lima ana mina kiNa end ôima Pana mina iNa e:ngo Ðima ana mina yiNa w:ngo Ðima ana mina yiNa keo dima Pana mina iNa e:nag dima ana mina liNa c:nag lima ana mina hiNa e:ngd ima ana mina hiNa w:ngd lima ana mina hiNa c:ngd lima ana mina hiNa ron lima ana mina hiNa gloss five child fat ear

PMP voiceless stops *p, *t, *k, *q The PMP voiceless stops undergo very simple developments. PMP *p, *t, *k ⇒ PCF *p, *t, *k everywhere except in coda position, where they are deleted. The only exception is when they come into contact with a nasal phoneme and become voiced or prenasalized.

PMP *q ⇒ PCF *P between vowels, but only root-internally as in PMP *taqi ‘excre- ment’ ⇒ PCF *taPi. It is deleted in initial and final position, and it is deleted when it comes between vowels across a morpheme boundary, as in PMP *qetaq ‘to eat raw’ ⇒ PMP *ma-qetaq ‘green, raw, unripe’ ⇒ PCF *m@ta ‘green, blue’. This is related to the fact that morphologically complex PMP words usually have at least three syllables, and these are systematically reduced to disyllables in PCF (see section 3.4.3).

PMP *b There is a regular change of PMP *b⇒PCF *w, as in all the other languages of Flores. This can be blocked by the presence of a nasal consonant before *b, yielding either *b or *mb.

Two words with solid PMP etymologies reflect initial PMP *b ⇒ *f. These are PMP *buhek ‘hair’⇒ PCF *fu, and PMP *bahi ‘woman’⇒ PCF *fai. The reasons for this are

Table 24: Reflexes of PMP *p, *t, *k, *q in PCF

pmp *p *t *k *q

pcf *p *t *k *P *∅

envir V V else

pmp *hapuy *mata *kami *waqay *qatay pcf *api *mata *kami *waPi *ate

lio api mata kami GaPi ate end Papi mata kami aPi Pate e:ngo api mata kami aPi ate w:ngo api mata kami aPi ate keo Papi mata kami aPi Pate e:nag api mata kami aPi ate c:nag api mata kami aPi ate e:ngd api mata kami aPi ate w:ngd api mata kami waPi ate c:ngd api mata kami waPi ate ron api mata kami waPi ate gloss fire eye 1pl.e leg liver

not clear, but initial /f-/ is part of the phonemic system of nearly all modern CF languages, corresponding to /w/ in nearby languages.

Table 25: Reflexes of PMP *b in PCF

pmp *b- *-b- *b- pcf *w- *-w- *f- pmp *bulan *qabu *buhek *bahi

pcf *wula *awu *fu *fai lio wula awu fu fai end wuôa Pawu hu hai e:ngo wuÐa awu fu fai w:ngo wuÐa awu fu fai keo wuda Pawu fu fai e:nag wuda awu fu fai c:nag wula awu fu fai e:ngd wua awu fu fai w:ngd wula awu fu fai c:ngd wula awu fu fai ron wula awu fu fai gloss moon ash hair woman

PMP *z, *j, *d In all languages, the PMP phonemes *z, *j ⇒ PCF *dZ, which then undergoes extensive changes in daughter languages (section 3.5.1). PMP *d also merges with these two phonemes in all languages except Lio, which reflects PMP *d ⇒ /r/ but PMP *z, *j ⇒ /dZ/. Therefore PMP *d ⇒ *dZ cannot have occurred at the level of PCF, and a retention of PMP *d⇒ PCF *d is the simplest way to account for the well- supported Lio reflexes. Additionally, the reflexes of PMP *d and *r remain distinct in most CF languages, so these two must remain distinct at the level of PCF.

As with the voiceless stops, PMP *d may show different developments when contact with a nasal.

PMP *l, *R PMP *l is retained as PCF *l, which then undergoes changes in some daughter languages.

PMP *R ⇒ PCF *r in medial position, and probably also in initial position but the evidence is somewhat weak.

There are at least three candidates for initial PMP *R but each has some complications: PMP *Ribu ‘thousand’ ⇒ PCF *riwu is probably not a direct inheritance but a Malay

Table 26: Reflexes of PMP *z, *j, *d in PCF

pmp *z *j *d

pcf *dZ *dZ *d

pmp *zalan *quzan *Najan *daki *ma-qudip pcf *dZala *udZa *NadZa *daki *mudi

lio dZala udZa nadZa raki muri end raôa Pura Nara raki muri e:ngo yaÐa uya Naya yaki muyi w:ngo ôaÐa uôa Naôa ôaki muôi keo rada Pura Nara raki muri e:nag ôada uôa Naôa (koto) muôi c:nag zala uza Naza zaki muzi e:ngd ra ura Nara raki muri w:ngd zala uza Naza zaki muzi c:ngd zala Puza Naza zaki muzi ron laôa nuôa Naôa ôaki muôi gloss road rain name dirty alive

loan. In PMP *Ramut ‘root’⇒PCF *kramu, there is the development of an initial cluster (cf Sika /Pramut/), which is then resolved as /k-/ in all daughter languages except some dialects of Lio which show /h-/. In PMP * sa-Na-Ratus ‘one hundred’ ⇒ PCF *sa Nasu there is the retention of the nasal linker *Na and deletion of the following *R, as well as metathesis of the final two consonants (which must have happened before final consonant deletion in PCF): PMP *sa Na Ratus ⇒ **sa Na Rasut ⇒ PCF *sa Nasu ‘one hundred’. Similar developments occur in Sika /Nasu ha/ ‘one hundred’, Savu/Hawu /heNahu/ and many languages of Sumba (Kambera /haNahu/, Kodi /saNasu/, Wewewa /ngau/), so this is also probably the result of a loan distribution.

On the other hand, PMP initial *R- may be reflected after the irregular loss of the first syllable in PMP *daRaq⇒CPF *ra ‘blood’ (instead of expected *daRa, which is the form reflected in Palu’e /ladZa/ and Manggarai /dara/). This also occurs Savu/Hawu /ra/ and the languages of Sumba (Anakalang, Baliledo, Lamboya, Mamboru /ra/, Wewewa /raPa/), and suggests that the reflexes of initial PMP *R- may be the same as medial *-R-.

PMP *w, *y The PMP glides are retained as PMP *w, *y ⇒ PCF *w, *y, although PCF *y then undergoes changes in all daughter CF languages.

Rare PMP phonemes *r, *g, *c The rare PMP phonemes *r, *g and *c are poorly represented in my data.

Table 27: Reflexes of PMP *l, *R in PCF

pmp *-R- *-R- *l- *-l- pcf *r- *-r- *l- *-l- pmp *daRaq *pa-laRiw *lima *bulan

pcf *ra *paru *lima *wula lio ra paru lima wula end ra paru ôima wuôa e:ngo ya payu Ðima wuÐa w:ngo ya payu Ðima wuÐa keo la palu dima wuda e:nag la palu dima wuda c:nag ai pau lima wula e:ngd ra - ima wuda w:ngd raPa paru lima wula

c:ngd raPa paru lima wula ron raPa paru lima wula gloss blood to run five moon

Table 28: Reflexes of PMP *w, *y in PCF

pmp *w- *-w- *-y- pcf *w- *-w- *-y-

pmp *waRi *tawa *kayu (← *kahiw) pcf *wari *tawa *kayu

lio wari tawa kadZu end wari tawa kadZu e:ngo wayi tawa kadZu w:ngo wayi tawa katSu keo wali tawa kadZu e:nag (maôa) tawa katSu c:nag wai tawa kadZu e:ngd - tawa kadZu w:ngd wari tawa kadZu c:ngd wari tawa kazu

ron wari tawa kadZu gloss to dry to laugh wood

For PMP *r, I have one cognate set PMP *periN‘bamboo species’⇒ PCF *p@ri which appears to show PMP *r merging with *R⇒ PCF *r.

For PMP *g, I have one cognate set PMP *gatel ‘itchy’ ⇒ PCF *kate which appears to show PMP *g⇒ PCF *k.

I have no solid cognate sets giving evidence for the developments of PMP *c, but this phoneme is thought to have merged with PMP *s in all but a few WMP languages.

Table 29: Reflexes of PMP *r, *g in PCF pmp *r? *g? pcf *r? *k? pmp *periN *gatel pcf *p@ri *kate lio p@ri kate end p@ri kate e:ngo p@yi kate w:ngo p@ôi kate keo p@ri kate e:nag p@ôi kate c:nag - - e:ngd - - w:ngd p@ri kate c:ngd p@ri kate ron p@ri (mbisa) gloss bamboo sp. itchy

PMP vowels PMP *a, *i, *u are straightforwardly reflected as PCF *a, *i, *u in most cases. PMP *e⇒ PCF *e in final position, and is retained as PCF *@elsewhere (schwa /@/ is barred from the final syllable in all modern CF languages).

The PMP ‘final diphthongs’ *-ay, *-aw (which are in fact VC sequences) typically behave like other VC sequences, and the final PMP *-y, *-w are dropped (PMP *matay ‘to die’iPCF *mata, PMP *nakaw ‘to steal’iPCF *naka). There are quite a few exceptions to this, where PMP *-ay, *-aw coalesce to PCF *-e, *-o instead. This occurs in some obvious loanwords (PMP *pisaw ⇒ PCF *piso ‘knife’, loaned from Malay), and words which are suspect due to other phonological irregularities (PMP *buay ⇒ PCF *bue ‘bean’, but lenition to **wue is expected). The main exception which resists explanation in this way is PMP *qatay⇒PCF *ate ‘liver’. There is one exceptional reduction in PMP *waqay⇒ PCF *waqi ‘leg’.

Table 30: Reflexes of PMP vowels in PCF

PMP *a *i *u *e *ay *aw *iw *uy

envir. (C)# else PCF *a *i *u *e *@ *a *a *u *i Lio a i u e @ a a u i Ende a i u e @ a a u i Nga’o (OJ) a i u e @ a a u i Nga’o (WM) a i u e @ a a u i K´eo (KK) a i u e @ a a u i K´eo (ND) a i u e @ a a u i K´eo (LL) a i u e @ a a u i K´eo (UW) a i u e @ a a u i Nage (NM) a i u e @ a a u i Nage (UT) a i u e @ a a u i Nage (BW) a i u e @ a a u i E Ngadha a i u e @ a a u i Ngadha a i u e @ a a u i So’a a i u e @ a a u i Rongga a i u e @ a a u i

PMP *uy is attested 3 times, yielding PCF *i twice in PMP *hapuy⇒ PCF *api ‘fire’ and PMP *babuy ⇒ PCF *wawi ‘pig’, and PCF *u once in PMP *naNuy ⇒ PCF *naNu ‘to swim’. PMP *iw is attested three times, once yielding PCF *o in PMP *baliw⇒ PCF *walo ‘to return’ and once yielding PCF *u in PMP *pa-laRiw⇒ PCF *paru ‘to run’. In the case of PMP *kahiw⇒ PCF *kayu ‘wood’, there was most likely already a reduction to *kayu at the level of PCEMP.

3.4.2 Deletion of coda consonants

All PMP final consonants are deleted unconditionally in PCF, and do not regularly cause any changes in the preceding vowel. The total loss of final consonants is illustrated in Table 31, with a subset of possible final phonemes.

Table 31: Deletion of PMP final consonants in PCF

pmp *-k *-b *-m *-s *-j *-R *-q

pcf *-∅ *-∅ *-∅ *-∅ *-∅ *-∅ *-∅ pmp *anak *ma-huab *ma-qitem *nipis *pusej *tuquR *um-utaq

pcf *ana *moa *mite *nipi *puse *tuPu *muta lio ana moa mite nipi puse tuPu muta end Pana moa mite nipi puse tuPu muta e:ngo ana moa mite nipi puse (maya) muta w:ngo ana moa mite nipi puse (maôa) muta keo Pana (NaNa) mite (baái) puse tuPu muta e:nag ana moa mite nipi puse tuPu muta c:nag ana moa mite - - tuPu muta e:ngd ana moa mite nipi - tuPu muta w:ngd ana moa mite nipi puse tuPu muta c:ngd ana moa mite nipi (Nalu ate) tuPu muta ron ana (NaNa) mite nipi puse (maôa) muta gloss child to yawn black thin navel dry to vomit

PMP had a few types of word-internal consonant clusters: 1) nasal + homorganic stop such as in PMP *empu ‘grandparent, grandchild’, 2) clusters arising from reduplication, such as PMP *tektek ‘gecko’, and 3) a few clusters of *R and another consonant, as in PMP *beRNi ‘night’.

Nasal + voiced stop clusters such as *mb are reanalyzed as unitary phonemes, while nasal + voiceless stop clusters such as PMP *mp are merged to PCF *b or *mb (as in PMP *empu ⇒ PCF *@mbu ‘grandparent, grandchild’). Clusters formed by reduplication are usually resolved by deleting the first member (as in PMP *pihpih ⇒ PCF *pipi ‘cheek’)

but also sometimes the second (as in PMP *tektek ‘gecko’⇒ PCF *t@ke). Clusters with *R in PMP are resolved by deleting the *R in PCF (as in PMP *qaRta ‘stranger, outsider’ ⇒ PCF *ata ‘person’ or PMP *beRNi ‘night’⇒ PCF *w@Ni ‘when’).

Table 32: Reflexes of PMP consonant clusters in PCF

pmp *-mp- *-RN- *-Rt- *-kt- *-hp- pcf *-mb- *-∅N- *-∅t- *-k∅- *-∅p- pmp *empu *beRNi *qaRta *tektek *pihpih pcf *@mbu *w@Ni *ata *t@ke *pipi

lio @mbu w@Ni ata t@ke pipi end P@mbu w@Ni Pata t@ke pipi e:ngo @mbu - ata t@ke pipi w:ngo @bu - ata t@ke pipi keo Pembu w@Ni Pata teke pipi e:nag @bu - ata t@ke pipi c:nag @bu w@Ni ata t@ke -

e:ngd - w@Ni ata - -

w:ngd buPu w@Ni ata t@ke pipi c:ngd buPu w@Ni ata t@ke pipi ron @mbu w@Ni ata t@ke pasu gloss grandparent when? person gecko cheek

While final consonants are normally deleted without changing the final vowel, there are nonetheless a few examples where a final vowel is lowered upon deletion of a final consonant. This occurs particularly often with final PMP *-R, although cases without lowering such as PMP *tuquR ⇒ PCF *tuPu ‘dry’ and PMP *bibiR ⇒ PCF *wiwi ‘lip’ show that the lowering is not fully predictable. There are only two instances of final PMP *-eq in my data, both of which develop into PCF *-a (in PMP *taneq⇒ PCF *tana and PMP *ma-baseq⇒ PCF *(m)basa ‘wet’), so this may constitute a regular development.