FISIOPATOLOGIA DE LA PREECLAMPSIA

To aid investigation of population dynamics shaping attitudes and actions in contested environments where tactics of terrorism and political violence often emerge this thesis explores possible contributions from the study of social movements. This tradition draws upon a range of academic disciplines including sociology, anthropology, psychology, and political science offering a well-established and conceptually rich body of literature to help inform terrorism research. The social movement literature examines collective action for bringing about social change outside of the normal structures of political governance. Although what a social movement specifically is and is not may suffer from as much definitional inconsistency as the term terrorism,121 _{Della Porta and}

Diani provide a typical description of social movements “as (1) informal networks, based (2) on shared beliefs and solidarity, which mobilize about (3) conflictual issues, through (4) the frequent use of various forms of protest.”122 In this thesis I argue that our understanding of hearts and minds efforts in counterterrorism campaigns, as well as the general study of political violence, can be improved by the use of a social movement based theory of terrorism. At the same time the general study of social movements may be enriched by more explicitly examining terrorism as part of the larger dynamic of collective action and protest politics.

There are many reasons that the application of social movement theories to terrorism research should be promising. In many cases social movement and terrorism researchers are studying the same larger phenomenon albeit from different perspectives with different foci.123 The differences between the two are exaggerated in part because of the tendency of social movement researchers to focus on causes of which they approve (either dismissing uses of violence as excesses at the extremes or an

understandable response to excessive state repression) while terrorism researchers tend to study groups of whom they disapprove (often with close connections to democratic governments targeted by terrorism).124

121 _{Crossley, Making Sense of Social Movements, 2-6.} 122 _{Della Porta and Diani, Social Movements, 16.} 123 _{Tilly, "Terror, Terrorism, Terrorists."}

124 _{Della Porta, Social Movements, Political Violence, and the State, 4-8. Leheny, 2005,}

"Terrorism, Social Movements, and International Security: How Al Qaeda Affects Southeast Asia," Japanese Journal of Political Science 6 (1): 108. Voss, 1996, "The

Although the two research traditions have largely developed separately they share many overlapping influences and interesting parallels. Citations between the two traditions have historically been rare, but studies in both have often cited the same earlier works or drawn upon some of the same theoretical insights from other

disciplines. Both traditions have followed similar historical patterns of development and focus starting with psychological based theories that emphasized the irrational and abnormal, root cause theories that gave more mechanistic power to grievances, and then rational actor theories that emphasized the normality of participants and their strategic decision making.125 _{That pattern of historical development also included significant}

Collapse of a Social Movement: The Interplay of Mobilizing Structures, Framing, and Political Opportunities in the Knights of Labor," In Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framings, ed. McAdam, McCarthy and Zald, New York: Cambridge University Press, 227. This does not mean that social movements research to date has ignored the role of violence within larger movement dynamics. For example, Ted Gurr’s work and compilations have specifically examined the emergence and use of violence in social movement contexts and include some focus on terrorist groups. Gurr, Why Men Rebel. Gurr, 1989, "The History of Protest, Rebellion, and Reform in America: An Overview," In Violence in America: Protest Rebellion, Reform, ed. Gurr: SAGE. Gurr, 1998, "Terrorism in Democracies: Its Social and Political Bases," In Origins of Terrorism: Psychologies, Ideologies, Theologies, State of Mind, ed. Reich: Woodrow Wilson Center Press. Gurr, "Economic Factors.". Gurr and Moore, 1997, "Ethnopolitical Rebellion: A Cross- Sectional analysis of the 1980s with Risk Assessments for the 1990s," American Journal of Political Science 41 (4), October. Exemplifying the potential application of social movement work to the study of political violence, Gurr notes three general observations from the work he has helped collect: “One is the contextual interpretation of political violence: it is a predictable consequence of some kinds of social conditions and conflicts. The second is the recognition that the violence generated by social movements has patterned consequences that are often recognized, and used, by the parties to the conflict. Finally, and more speculatively, the waves of mass violence in our past seem to be connected with larger cycles of political change." Gurr, "The History of Protest, Rebellion, and Reform in America: An Overview," 13.

125 _{Crossley, Making Sense of Social Movements, 11. Horgan, "The Search for the}

Terrorist Personality.". Horgan, The Psychology of Terrorism. Morris, 2000,

"Reflections on Social Movement Theory: Criticisms and Proposals," Contemporary Sociology 29 (3), May: 445. Richardson, What Terrorists Want. On the social

movement side, Gurr specifically addresses this progression with respect to the study of violence in movements: “New ways of thinking about group violence have developed during the last several decades. An earlier generation of theorists tended to think about group violence as social pathology… Disease and breakdown models for understanding group violence have largely been abandoned. Most social scientists and historians now think of serious episodes of group violence as more or less predictable consequences of

parallels in the problems theories in the two traditions encountered: from the lack of empirical support for early psychological theories to the same problems of explaining why specific groups at specific times became active in response to root causes that seemed to be relatively constant and much wider spread as well as why activity did not come from the worst off. The use of similar theories facing similar problems also means that both traditions often raise the same questions: Under what conditions do

movements or terrorism arise? What roles do ideology or culture, root causes, state repression, and charismatic leadership play? How does radicalization and recruitment occur? When do larger societies support the group protesting? What causes activity to wane and decrease? What roles do elite allies and opponents, the media, and new technologies play?

Despite the parallels, the social movement literature has in general developed deeper theoretical work both within a rational actor approach and subsequently on more constructivist approaches responding to the limits of rational actor models than most of the terrorism literature.126 _{In several cases the theoretical issues highlighted in current}

terrorism research have been confronted in more depth (if from a different angle) in studies of social movements providing an opportunity to accelerate, compliment, and spur better terrorism work. At the same time examining these issues from the different case focus of terrorism research promises potential paybacks to improve social

movement theories.127

Applying the larger focus of a social movement perspective (bringing different actors, mechanisms, concepts, and theories into the spotlight) will help address the criticism of much terrorism research for being too focused only on the use of violence to the obscurity of the broader context.128 Likewise, a broader focus will help emphasize

real grievances over underlying social, economic, and political issues.” Gurr, "The History of Protest, Rebellion, and Reform in America: An Overview," 13.

126 _{Leheny, "Terrorism, Social Movements, and International Security," 94-5. Tarrow,}

1995, "Foreword," In Social Movements, Political Violence, and the State: A

Comparative Analysis of Italy and Germany, ed. Della Porta, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, vii.

127 _{Della Porta, Social Movements, Political Violence, and the State, 7.}

128 _{Crenshaw, "Thoughts on Relating Terrorism to Historical Contexts," 8. Della Porta,}

Social Movements, Political Violence, and the State, 23-5. Horgan, The Psychology of Terrorism, 30-2. Post, "Conference Document: Frameworks for Conceptualising

that groups using terrorism are often part of larger movements and directly or indirectly connected to other groups who are making positive contributions to their societies in ways which do not involve normatively censured behaviour (helping to address another major criticism of terrorism research) while also bringing into social movement research a greater focus on the negative potential of movements (helping to address a similar criticism of that literature).129

Although previously rare, terrorism research is increasingly demonstrating the productive potential of situating itself within the social movement literature. This includes: Della Porta’s work on left-wing terrorist groups in Italy and Germany;130

Wiktorowicz studies of radical Islamic activism;131 and, Leheny’s application to al- Qaeda’s influence on Southeast Asian groups.132

Finally, both bodies of research have produced parallel findings emphasizing the potential for cross replication and development of theories. For example, both terrorism and social movement research has independently observed that individuals from the middle class are more likely to participate in contentious protests or violence.133

Likewise both research traditions have had theories challenged and then further

Terrorism.". Victoroff, "The Mind of the Terrorist," 33. Wieviorka, "Terrorism in the Context of Academic Research," 600-1, 5. Wilkinson, "Can a State be 'Terrorist'?," 469.

129 _{For example, McDonald notes that Islamic movements have often been ignored}

“since most social scientists have understood social movements as modernizers and hence by definition secularizers.” McDonald, Global Movements, 170.

130 _{Della Porta, "Political Socialization in Left-Wing Underground Organizations.".}

Della Porta, "Left-Wing Terrorism in Italy.". Della Porta, Social Movements, Political Violence, and the State. Della Porta, ed 1992c, Social Movements and Violence: Participation in Underground Organizations, Edited by Klandermans, Vol 4, London: JAI Press Inc.

131 _{Robinson, 2004, "Hamas as Social Movement," In Islamic Activism: A Social}

Movement Theory Approach, ed. Wiktorowicz, Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Wiktorowicz, 2004a, "A New Approach to the Study of Islamic Activism," IIAS

Newsletter (33), March, http://www.iias.nl/iiasn/33/RR_IA.pdf. Wiktorowicz, 2004b, "Framing Jihad: Intramovement Framing Contests and al-Qaeda's Struggle for Sacred Authority," International Review of Social History 49 (Supplement S12), December. Wiktorowicz, 2005, Radical Islam Rising: Muslim Extremism in the West, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. Wiktorowicz, 2006, "Anatomy of the Salafi Movement,"

Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 29 (3), May. Wiktorowicz, ed 2004d, Islamic Activism: A Social Movement Theory Approach, Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

132 _{Leheny, "Terrorism, Social Movements, and International Security."}

133 _{Atran, 2003, "Genesis of Suicide Terrorism," Science 7, March. Crossley, Making}

Sense of Social Movements, 67. Russell and Miller, 1977, "Profile of a Terrorist,"

developed by the observation that social movements and terrorist violence are more likely to occur at times of increasing well being,134 emphasized the importance of pre- existing social networks for recruitment,135 and studied the effects of state violence and repression on group activity.136

Social Movement Approaches and Concepts

Overviews of the American social movement literature often identify three principal approaches to studying the phenomenon: collective behaviour, resource mobilization, and political process.137 Of these the collective behaviour approach came first and is closely associated with Blumer’s work in the 1950s and 60s.138 From the perspective of more recent traditions the collective behaviour approach is characterized by an overly reflexive focus on grievances, deprivation, anomie, and structural strain as explaining movement emergence where such behaviour was further described as irrational, hysterical, or similarly part of “mob psychology” and grouped in with other (non-political) collective behaviours including fashions, crazes, and panics.139

In response to the weaknesses of this previous research the resource

mobilization approach, typified by McCarthy and Zald in the 1970s, emphasized a view based on rational actors reacting to relatively constant grievances but emerging because

134 _{Crossley, Making Sense of Social Movements, 79. Singh, 2002, "Kashmir, Pakistan}

and the War by Terror," Small Wars and Insurgencies 13 (2), August.

135 _{Della Porta, 1992a, "Introduction: On Individual Motivations in Underground}

Political Organizations," In Social Movements and Violence: Participation in Underground Organizations, ed. Della Porta, London: JAI Press Inc., 8.

136 _{Crenshaw, 1992a, "Current Research on Terrorism: The Academic Perspective,"}

Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 15 (1). Della Porta, Social Movements, Political Violence, and the State. Della Porta, ed Social Movements and Violence. Wilkinson,

Terrorism Versus Democracy: The Liberal State Response.

137 _{In contrast, the European tradition has paid more attention to a philosophical /}

cultural critique for explaining why social movements evolve, built partially in response to dissatisfaction with Marxist traditions, and focused on the role played by so-called “new social movements” which emerged in the 1960s (environmental, feminist, and peace movements). Classic authors in this tradition include Touraine, Habermas, and Melucci. See discussions of the American and European traditions in: Crossley, Making Sense of Social Movements. Della Porta and Diani, Social Movements. McDonald,

Global Movements, 19-41.

138 _{Blumer, 1969, "Collective Behavior," In Principles of Sociology, ed. McClung-Lee,}

New York: Barnes and Noble.

139 _{Crossley, Making Sense of Social Movements, 11. Morris, "Reflections on Social}

of changes in available resources or because of the ability of initiators to reorganize resources to change the cost benefit equation limiting mobilization.140 Resources

include “tangible assets such as money, facilities, and means of communication” as well as “the intangible or ‘human’ assets” which have included unspecialized labour,

organizing and legal skills, and other forms of technical expertise.141 Research within this approach emphasizes how the distribution and nature of available resources affects the tactical choices movements make and the consequences of their action for social and political change.

The resource mobilization approach also argues that individuals exist within networks (kinship and friendship as well as professional, educational, and religious organizations) and that the strength of and connections within and between these drive movement recruitment instead of people being “rootless” and “isolated” as the previous collective behaviour research suggested.142 Such networks combined with

organizational forms and dynamics within movement groups are referred to as “mobilizing structures,” defined as “those collective vehicles, informal as well as formal, through which people mobilize and engage in collective action.”143 Della Porta for example discusses the important role that such social networks played for terrorist groups when they were driven underground in terms of recruitment and support as well as their interpretation of reality,144 while Wiktorowicz highlights the role played by mosques and prayer groups, NGOs, and professional and student associations in Islamic activism.145

140 _{McCarthy and Zald, 1973, The Trend of Social Movements, Morristown, New Jersey,}

General Learning. McCarthy and Zald, 1977, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82.

141 _{Jenkins, 1983, "Resource Mobilization Theory and the Study of Social Movements,"}

Annual Review of Sociology 9: 533.

142 _{Crossley, Making Sense of Social Movements, 93-103. Della Porta and Diani, Social}

Movements, 8-9. Jenkins, "Resource Mobilization Theory," 538. McCarthy, 1996, "Constraints and Opportunities in Adopting, Adapting, and Inventing," In Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framings, ed. McAdam, McCarthy and Zald, New York: Cambridge

University Press, 141-3.

143 _{McAdam, McCarthy and Zald, "Introduction," 3.}

144 _{Della Porta, Social Movements, Political Violence, and the State, 204.} 145 _{Wiktorowicz, ed Islamic Activism, 10-3.}

The resource mobilization approach has emphasized the role of more formally structured “social movement organizations” as subsets of or principle actors in

movements.146 Given that many different organizations may be active in complimentary and competitive roles, the distribution of resources, opportunities, and other factors between groups will help shape mobilization dynamics.In applying this research to terrorism it is a relatively easy step to consider terrorist groups as a specific type of social movement organization, which is what Robinson does in his study of Hamas and Leheny does in his study of al-Qaeda’s influence on other groups active in Southeast Asia.147 _{Likewise Della Porta in part studied the comparative influences on radical}

versus more moderate organizations and the effect on the use of political violence within a conflict.148

The political process approach – typified by the work of Tarrow, McAdam, and Tilly – also emphasizes a rational actor basis of social movements and the role of mobilizing structures. This approach dissents from the emphasis given to formal organizations, instead placing more stress on the relationship between institutional political actors and protest.149 In this tradition changes in the “political opportunity structure” are used to explain and examine the emergence and evolution of

mobilization.150 Political opportunities have been defined as “consistent – but not necessarily formal, permanent, or national – signals to social or political actors which

146 _{Crossley, Making Sense of Social Movements, 77-104. Della Porta and Diani, Social}

Movements, 7-8. Jenkins, "Resource Mobilization Theory," 528. McAdam, McCarthy and Zald, "Introduction," 3-4.

147 _{Leheny, "Terrorism, Social Movements, and International Security.". Robinson,}

"Hamas as Social Movement."

148 _{Della Porta, Social Movements, Political Violence, and the State.}

149 _{McAdam, 1982, Political Processes and the Development of Black Insurgency:}

1930-1970, Chicago, University of Chicago Press. Tarrow, 1983, "Struggling to Reform: Social Movements and Policy Change During Cycles of Protest," In Western Societies Program Occassional Paper No. 15, Ithaca, NY: New York Center for

International Studies, Cornell University. Tilly, 1978, From Mobilization to Revolution, Reading, MA, Addison-Wesley.

150 _{Della Porta, Social Movements, Political Violence, and the State, 188. Della Porta}

and Diani, Social Movements, 9-10. McAdam, McCarthy and Zald, "Introduction," 4. Morris, "Reflections on Social Movement Theory," 446-7.

either encourage or discourage them to use their internal resources to form social movements” where such signals might include:151

1. The relative openness or closure of the institutionalized political system 2. The stability or instability of that broad set of elite alignments that

typically undergird a polity

3. The presence or absence of elite allies

4. The State’s capacity and propensity for repression.152

In assessing the potential for social movement research to contribute to the

understanding of terrorism it is worth noting that each of the above is echoed in studies about the use of political violence. Social movement researchers emphasize that in addition to responding to changes in their external environment the actions of social movement actors (including terrorist groups) may also create opportunities for themselves or others (including elites and opponents).153 Della Porta’s application of social movement theories to terrorist groups in Germany and Italy for example

concluded that changes in the openness of the political system coupled with the nature of police repression played a significant role in affecting radicalization and the nature of violent protest.154

Proponents of both the resource mobilization and political process approaches overtime have come to recognize that each alternative has something important to contribute and “instead of debating the relative merits” of each position have increasingly turned to new agendas for advancing the study of social movements.155 Perhaps the most useful development building upon these two traditions is research into framing processes started by the work of Snow and his colleagues.156 _{Drawing upon}

151 _{Tarrow, 1996, "States and Opportunities: The Political Structuring of Social}

Movements," In Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements: Political

Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framings, ed. McAdam, McCarthy and Zald, New York: Cambridge University Press, 54.

152 _{McAdam, Ibid."Conceptual Origins, Current Problems, Future Directions," 26-9.} 153 _{Tarrow, Ibid."States and Opportunities: The Political Structuring of Social}

Movements," 58-60.

154 _{Della Porta, Social Movements, Political Violence, and the State, 206.} 155 _{McAdam, McCarthy and Zald, "Introduction," 4.}

156 _{Snow and Benford, 1988, "Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant}