PLAN NACIONAL PARA LA PREVENCION Y ERRADICACION DEL TRABAJO INFANTIL
FUNDAMENTACION Y DIAGNOSTICO DEL PLAN
392. For the flexion of dáu, da, etc., see §§ 287, 298. The dat. dib deib is obviously one of the forms that have been shortened in proclisis; its use in stressed position is quite exceptional ( § 386 ). The
composition form dé- 'two-, double' must be distinguished from the prefix dĕ- (also leniting) 'in two, asunder', which occurs, e.g., in debuith 'discord, strife', debide, name of a metre, lit. 'cut (-bíthe) in two', probably also in dechor 'difference, distinction'; cp. i n-dé 'in two', where the lengthening is secondary ( § 44 b ). On semantic grounds the equation of dĕ- with Goth. twis-standan 'to separate', Lat. dis-, and cognate prefixes is tempting. But in that case the Irish prefix must have modified its form considerably,
perhaps by analogy with the preposition de ( § 831 ), from which it cannot always be easily distinguished. The form dé- may represent original *dwei-, cp. díabul 'double' ( § 227 e ), although the é is never
diphthongized.
tri (trí) is inflected as an i-stem ( § 304 ), but in the oblique cases the form tre has been ousted by tri ; conversely tre- has been generalized in composition. ceth(a)ir no longer differentiates neuter from masculine in the nom.; the acc. pl. masc. cethri is modelled on tri. In the feminine forms teoir, cethéoir the -eoir goes back to -esor(es), an ablaut variant of the Skt. forms tisr-áḥ, cátasr-aḥ (nom. pl. fem.). For the Britannic forms, like Mid.W. teir, pedeir, and for Gaul. tidres, cp. ZCP. XV. 380 f. The -a of -éora is regular in the acc.; in the gen. it is paralleled by the article inna ; its spread to the nom. was helped by the many nom. pl. fem. forms in -a, especially by the article inna.
cóio, cóiced ( § 395 ), whence Mid.Ir. cúic, cúiced, have ō followed by the glide i, whereas coíca cóeca (Mod. Ir. caogad) has a true diphthong. The discrepancy is not easy to account for. One possible explanation of it is to assume that Proto-Celtic *qweηqwe ( § 226 ) gave Irish *coweηqwe, which in turn
gave *cóïc, later contracted to cóic, whereas in 'fifty' cowe.. regularly became coí.. at the period of
syncope ( § 67 d). But there is no evidence that cóic was at any time disyllabic; as early as the Félire (Prol. 327, Aug. 7) it is a monosyllable. Other explanations start from the assumption that *qweηqwe first
gave *qwoηqwe. Normally oηk gives ŏg(g), but Pokorny suggests ( KZ. XLVII. 164 ff., ZCP. XXI. 50) that it
gave ōg(g) in short words which had become monosyllabic through the loss of their final syllable. In support of this he cites Sc.Gael. fróg 'hole, fen, den', which, together with O.Norwegian rō 'angle', he would derive from a basic form *wroηkā. But this is very doubtful. Perhaps, rather, the development was
as follows: Proto-Celti *qweηqw e ( § 226 b, OW. pimp) gave *qwē(g )gwe,and subsequently ē was mutated
to ō between qw and gw. On the other hand, *qweηqwe-kont- (or *qweηku-kont- <
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*qweηqwu-kont-? see below) had been simplified to *qweηkont-, which in turn gave *qwēg(g)od(d) or
kēg(g)od(d), and eventually, taking over the (c)o of cóic, became cóeg(g)od(d) ( KZ. LIX. 11 f.). By contrast, in Mid.W. pymwnt 'fifty' (with m < mp), p ( < qw) has prevailed after the simplification. In
Mid.Ir. the true diphthong is also found in compounds of cóic, e.g. cáecdíabul, 'fivefold'.
That s- in sé goes back to old sw- (W. chwech, O.Celt. *swechs) is shown by the f of mórfesser ( § 132 ).
ocht nasalizes by analogy with secht, noí, deich, which, as shown by cognate languages, ended in a nasal. On the other hand, cóic and sé nasalize the initial of a gen. pl. only, on the model of inflected forms in general ( § 237, 1 ).
On the phonetic evidence it is impossible to decide with certainty whether noí, nócha, nómad ( § 395 ) contain earlier -ow- < -ew- (cp. Goth. niun, Gk. ϭν-νεα IE. *newn + ̥), or -aw- like W. and Corn. naw,
Mid.Bret. nau (for the Gaulish form see § 398 ); possibly the latter, for the theory that Britannic -aw- for -ow- is exclusively due to the influence of a following a (*nawan < *nowan, *newn + ̥) does not account for
forms like W. llawer 'much' < *lowero- ( § 193 b ).
The suggestion that gen. déec deae(c) (Mod.Ir. déag) is a compound *dwei-peηqw- 'double five' (with loss
of -p-) may well be correct.
The vocalism of fiche, gen. fichet, differs from that of the remaining decads, tricho -a, gen. trichot -at, etc. This difference goes back to the old ablaut -kn + ̥t- or -km + ̥t-: -kont- or -komt-which formerly distinguished the dual (Dor. ϭι-κατι) from the plural (τρια-κοντα, etc.); cp. W. ugeint, Bret. ugent
'twenty' (ending *-cantī <*-kn + ̥tī) beside Bret. tregont 'thirty', Gaul. TRICONTIS (Latin dat. pl.) CIL. XIII.
2494, Mid.W. pymwnt 'fifty'. noíchtech 'nonagenarian' Wb. 20a6 is hardly an indication that -chet- ( < -kn
+ ̥t-) also occurs in derivatives of the decads 30-90; more probably it represents a scribal confusion with noíchtech 'having twenty-nine (days)' Thes. II. 18, 33, from noí and fiche; cp. the regular coíctach 'quinquagenary' Thes. I. 496, 20, 22 (Arm.).
The i of tricho -a seems to be always short in O.Ir. (cp. Bret. trĕgont), but in Mid. Ir. trícha is also found (e.g. LL 7a33). It is uncertain whether the i longa in Gallo-Lat. TRICONTIS (see above) indicates length.
The medial vowel of cethorcho seems to point to *qwetru-kont-; cp. Gaul.petrudecameto Petru-corii, Avest.
čaθru- (in W. pedry- the y could represent either old ů or ĭ). So, too, sechtmogat-, ochtmugat-, nóchat- may go back in the first instance to *sechtamu-kont-, *ochtamu-kant-, *nawu- or *nowu-kont-.
II. ORDINALS
393. With the exception of tán(a)ise 'second' (and occasionally aile), all ordinals stand before the word they qualify, whether they are inflected or not (U +00A7 362 ).
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1st.cétn(a)e (io- iā-stem), but in combination with tens oínmad, óenmad. In place of adjectival cétn(a)e the compositional prefix cét - may be used, e.g. in cét-síans (s- = ṡ-) and in cétnae síans 'the first sense' Ml. 36a32, 33.Adverbial 'first' is rendered either by the compound cétmus (Wb. 23b34), later cétomus
cétamus or cétus, or by the verbal prefix cetu Wb. 26c4, cíatu 14a29 (cíato Laws. I. 150, 13, etc., cíata LU
5663, etc.), usually ceta cita, which never takes the accent ( § 384 ). Examples: is hé cetu-ru·pridach dúib 'it is he who has first preached to you' Wb. 26c4; friscita·comrici 'with whom thou dost first meet'
Thes. II. 23, 38; in tan ad-cita·acæ 'when she first saw' Tur. 60, where the prep. ad- is repeated.394. 2nd. (a) Generally tán(a)ise, which follows its noun. (b) Occasionally aile 'other' ( § 486 ), which in this sense may precede its noun, e.g. aile máth(a)ir 'altera mater' Sg. 152a2; it is more common in
substantival use. (c) Rarely all- or ala- , compositional prefix; e.g. all-slige 'second clearing' Ml. 2a6; ala-
chor 'second contract' Laws II, 274z, etc.In all combinations of the numeral adjective with tens, the above forms are replaced by ala, which precedes its noun and is indeclinable; with the article it has the form indala for all genders and cases ( § 487 ).395. 3rd. Generally tris(s) , also tres 104b1 and in later MSS.;
uninflected before a noun, and sometimes forming a compound with it. Dat. sg. masc. triuss Wb. 7c8.
4th. cethramad 5th. cóiced 6th. se(i)ssed 7th. sechtmad 8th. ochtmad 9th. nómad 10th. dechmad 20th. fichetmad (fichatmath RC. XXV. 378) 30th. trichatmad 100th. cétmad. -248
The forms in -ed -ad -ath are o- a -stems; e.g. gen. sg. fem. cóiothe.
396. In combinations of digits with tens and hundreds the digit alone has the ordinal form; the tens are expressed by the genitive of the cardinal as in § 391, the hundreds being attached by means of ar. Examples: in chóiced fichet 'the twenty-fifth'; ind óenmad rann fichet 'the twenty-first part'; ala rann deac 'one twelfth'; indala n-ainmm deac 'the twelfth name'; sechtmad rann cethorchat 'one forty-
seventh'; cp. isin fichtetmad blíadain ar chét 'in the one hundred and twentieth year' Trip. 258, 13. Here too, apparently, the numeral for 'one' may be omitted before a substantive when ar is used to attach the tens; e.g. kín ar f + ̇ichit 'twenty-first quinion' RC. XXV. 378, XXVI. 378.
Cp. in trisdécdi gl. tertii decimi (sc. psalmi) Ml. 72c8.
397. Forms borrowed from the Latin ordinals are sometimes found, e.g. prím 'the first' Thes. II. 13, 23. These occur especially in composition; e.g. prím-gaíd 'chief wind', secndabb 'secundus abbas' (= 'prior'), tertpersan 'third person', tertcoibedan 'third conjugation', quartdïall 'fourth declension'.