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Picture 5.9 Methods of Pottery Making

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The first stage in making Muang Kung terra cotta consists of ‘preparation of the clay or mud’, which involves dissolving the clay in water to remove any unwanted stones. There are three types of clay that are traditionally used. Firstly, there is ‘white clay’ (which normally comes from Bor laung village, Sunpathong district, Chiang Mai province), which when fired and dry gives a white/pink colour. Secondly, there is ‘red clay’ (from Wiang Papao, Chiang Rai province and from Doi Saket district, Chiang Mai province), a type of clay that is usually used as a finish for pots and

namton. The finishing usually involves mixing the clay with petrol or vegetable oil which when fired and dry gives a strong red colour. Lastly there is ‘black clay’ with a strong colour famously used to produce flowerpots. When washed to remove any unwanted stone, the clay is dried and put into mortar and then goes through a special grate (known locally as ‘Herng’) to further remove unwanted substances. The clay is then mixed in water and kept in equally sized balls in a closed place.

Picture 5.10 The Middle Aged and Elderly Villagers in Baan Muang Kung Make Pottery in the Traditional Way

Picture 5.11 Young People in Baan Muang Kung Use a Machine Instead of the Traditional Technique to Make Pottery

The techniques that are used in making Muang Kung terra cotta have been passed on through generations of families and different areas have gained their reputation through various skill specialisms. From making the shape of the terra cotta, they then put the clay on a wheel, which is made out of of bamboo (8”-10” in diameter by 9”- 10” in length) which is held through the middle. The wheel is also easy to move, which is handy especially when the clay needs drying, therefore, a number of wheels are used for drying the terra cotta more effectively.

When the main body of the terra cotta water-pots (nammor) or water-bottles (namton) is made and dried, they are then decorated by using a small wooden stick to carve the body into different patterns, although sometimes pre-made patterns are also used. Only when it is completely dried after this patterned carving does the piece go through special finishing. The finishing involves applying special clay that has been mixed with oil to produce a smooth surface. The piece then goes through further drying and is then fired, which gives the products of the area their famous red colour. Apart from this famous red terra cotta, Baan Muang Kung also produces darker coloured terra cotta using special smoking methods involving the use of tree sap mixed with sawdust, which is then covered while hot. If the piece does not give the right colouring, it can also be burnt further with a special vegetable oil. The drying or firing of Muang Kung terra cotta involves circle kiln firewood. The piece stays in the kiln for two to five hours, depending on the size of the kiln and the amount of terra cotta. This method of burning uses low temperatures, however, which will give strength to the piece.

Apart from the special method in making Muang Kung terra cotta, the design of the product also stands out, especially, in the range of water-pots and watter-bottles. Muang Kung clay pots have a special shape with a small spout, an extended pot shoulder and a round bottom. The pot is usually carved all the way round the body with extra clay to complete the carving and red clay finishing. Namton is a jug or water-bottle with a long neck and a lid which might be developed from the shape of a bottle gourd (namtao in Thai), which is made by removing seeds to use the main body to contain water for workers out farming. The name namton therefore might have originated from namtao. Apart from the above mentioned products made in Baan Muang Kung, the villagers also produce other types of products, for example

small pots for making fireworks, which are often in high demand and which are easily made.

Muang Kung villagers treasure their simple way of life. At present and for the last two hundred years or so the villagers’ main occupation has been terra cotta making, which is a trade mark product for Baan Muang Kung. With a strong community base and great team work, terra cotta from Baan Muang Kung is now exported to the world market. The main products from Baan Muang Kung are the old traditional products that have passed through many generations, clay pots and namton, and products which are being developed to compete in the international market, such as vases, lamps and other interior decorating products. Like Baan Ton Pao, Baan Muang Kung is also well deserving of its recognition as an OTOP village example.

Nevertheless, Muang Kung terra cotta, similar to other forms of handicraft production, requires continuing development to adapt to the ever growing demand and different requirements of the market. Furthermore, cultural impacts in the present day mean that the villagers face more difficulties in protecting their traditional values in terra cotta making. The new industrial methods with new products also have huge impacts in terms of replacing the old traditional household products. One of the main problems in making Muang Kung terra cotta is the difficulty of finding raw materials because traditionally villagers got their clay from their farm land. Some villagers turn to clay from different areas when clay from Baan Muang Kung is finished or too expensive but face the problem of low quality. The products produced from such clay then have a shorter life and so many turn to more modern products made from plastic.

Although Muang Kung villagers might face problems and difficulties in continuing with terra cotta making, some of the villagers are still fighting to continue with the traditional ways of Maung Kung terra cotta making passed down from their ancestors. To fight off the new products, many of these villagers work hard to make a better quality terra cotta exceeding the expectations of the customers. Many still believe that terra cotta making is embedded within their way of life and is embedded in many of their traditional rituals, for example the ‘Songkran festival’, which involves showering elders with water to show respect. Some villagers also believe that changing their drinking clay pot will bring them happiness. Namton are also used to

welcome guests when they come to visit and are used to offer water to the monks when visiting a temple.

5.4 Conclusion

This chapter started with a general overview of Chiang Mai province and why it has been chosen as a field study area. The broad context of the districts and sub-districts

(tambon) have been examined as a way of providing an introduction to the case study villages and their role in rural development. Chiang Mai province was chosen as the targeted research area due to both its long history of handicraft production and its ideal characteristics for the study of interactions between urban and rural, particularly for the study of urban bias and rural development. The discussion has shown that the long history and deep-rooted culture of the communities in the province makes the research site interesting for the study of the role of indigenous knowledges in rural industrialisation and development. The analysis in the chapter also showed that Chiang Mai province is an ideal research site for the study of urban bias since there is evidence of the uneven development between the communities in the city and nearby rural areas. Baan Ton Pao and Baan Muang Kung in Chiang Mai province were selected as case study villages due to their location and reputation for handicraft production. For Baan Ton Pao, saa paper is the key handicraft product in the village while terra cotta pottery is the major product long produced by people in Baan Muang Kung. Both handicrafts are widely recognised as major Chiang Mai products.

Taking Baan Ton Pao and Baan Muang Kung as case studies, the discussion in the chapter shows that both cases have established reputations for the use of indigenous knowledge and technology which also extend further into modern development techniques. Local knowledge, such as that relating to traditional pottery and saa paper making techniques, has been accumulated by villagers themselves. However, young(er) producers in both study villages have begun to use machines to speed up the making of their products.

The discussion in this chapter also raises questions about the sustainability of craft production, the danger of relying on a single market, and about the role of social

capital in building economic success. In the case of Baan Ton Pao, the primary analysis in the chapter shows that some people in the community have turned their family-style production into a real business, in which their products are distributed globally rather than locally. In the same case village of Baan Ton Pao, the analysis also shows that the existence of the community’s social capital (such as in the form of the community approach to setting up a Ton Pao saa paper distribution centre) is a key measure of success for handicraft production in the village. However, for Baan Muang Kung, the villagers are facing problems in continuing with traditional pottery making as these days in modern Thai society, water-bottles are rarely used. The questions and issues regarding the sustainability of craft production, however, will be further discussed in the next chapter and in the later chapters. The next chapter turns to the question of managing rural development and more specifically, to the role of the Thai government, its agencies and its strategies through the OTOP programme in these two case study villages.

Chapter Six

Managing Rural Development in Thailand:

Thai Government and the OTOP Programme

6.1 Introduction

Drawing upon the primary analysis of Thailand’s rural development path developed in Chapter Four, the discussion in this chapter will focus on the role of Thai government in alleviating the poverty in rural areas, particularly through the initiation of the OTOP programme since the emergence of Prime Minister Thaksin’s government. Taking the handicraft villages of Baan Ton Pao and Baan Muang Kung as case studies, the key discussion in the chapter centres upon an analysis of the initiation of the OTOP programme and the way the project has operated as well as an analysis of how and to what extent the operationalisation of the programme has been transformed from Thaksin’s to the present government.

The chapter starts with His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej’s philosophy ‘Sethakit

Phor Piang’ or ‘Sufficiency Economy’ and is followed by a discussion of the yoo dee

mee sook (live well and happiness) strategy. This strategy was initiated in 2006 and was adapted from the King’s philosophy. It focuses on self-reliance and sustainable development. As a response to His Majesty’s discussion of the ‘Sufficiency Economy’, the One Tambon One Product (OTOP) programme was initiated in 2001 as one of the key national policies seeking to lessen poverty in rural areas, and one of the key policies aimed at promoting rural development. This chapter also examines the role of the government through the OTOP programme, illustrating the government’s OTOP activities and campaigns, which include local and community product trade fairs, the young OTOP camps, the setting up of knowledge-based OTOP centres in each province and the OTOP shops.

The chapter then moves on to discuss the organisations involved in the OTOP project and the impact on incomes made by project and provincial organisations. Then, the

role of localism and localist agendas, especially the change in villagers’ occupations and their decisions to stop working in agriculture, are discussed. In this section, leadership in the communities will be explored as this plays a significant role in local activities. Next, the chapter will explore labour relations and labour supply in handicraft production before moving on to discuss the problem of pollution from handicraft production. The final section will discuss the future of Thai handicrafts.

6.2 From Building Prosperity to Creating Well-Being: From Rural Development

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