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Firearms are an important aspect of culture among tribal Pashtuns. The security of the kor is a central element in the conduct of the individual and the family. Many homesteads are surrounding by fortified walls between 1M and 2M thick, and have murchee (firing holes in fortifications atop walls).63 The ownership and display of firearms is an important aspect of this protection of the homestead. Although settled districts do not manifest the frequency and

61_{„Britain doubles aid to Pakistan‟ 3}rd _{July, 2008; http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/7486948.stm . Accessed}

22nd January, 2011.

62 _{Interview with an Imam at madrassas Dar al Uluum Khwajgaan in northern Mansehra district who}

related the protocols followed by state intelligence officials in seeking to prevent madrassas from becoming centres for militancy 4th September, 2008.

63 _{Observed in Afridi territories, August 2008. A destroyed FC check-post less than a mile from some}

fortified homesteads was also observed. A guide explained the kinetics of the destruction of the check- post.

scale of threat from rival clans as is seen in the tribal agencies, firearm ownership is widespread.64

The regulation and control of firearm possession is an area in which the state is ineffective. Firearms are widely available in KP particularly. There is no accurate record of the number of firearms in KP, but estimates place the number of ubiquitous AK-47 copies at over two million, with that number again of a variety of shotguns and pistols.65 In 2002, the government of Pakistan proclaimed a freeze on the issuance of licenses for gun ownership and threatened to impose heavy fines and prison sentences on individuals caught with guns without the appropriate licensing.66 In the major cities in Punjab, this had the effect of people surrendering weapons, under an amnesty program, to avoid severe penalties.67 In KP province, however, such an impact did not occur although the government did seek to impose its writ in this area forcefully.68

Widespread unlicensed gun ownership has continued in KP, largely in disregard of the 2002 statute outlawing unlicensed weapons, and limiting the type of weapons allowed.69 Since 2006, there has been a steady increase in illegal gun ownership, largely in light of the deteriorating security situation in the cities of KP as opportunist criminals seek to exploit the prevailing trend of tribal militancy across the province. This trend has increased steeply in 2008 and 2009.70

While the demand for firearms has increased across KP as a result of widespread insecurity, parts of eastern KP have seen an opposing trend. Although the demand for firearms remains high, gun sales in areas such as Abbotabad and the adjoining district of Mansehra have been

64 _{Every home visited in the duration of field work had firearms, although not always prominently}

displayed.

65

Discussions with Brigadier A, Islamabad, August 2008.

66 _{Despite varying coverage in the press on exactly what the penalties would be and which weapons}

would be affected by the legislation, and indeed whether or not the legislation would be enacted, interviews with gun shop owners in 2002-3 in Islamabad and Peshawar suggested that seizures and prosecutions had indeed been undertaken, as had a ban on the issuance of new licenses. For press coverage of the issue between 2001-2003, see

http://www.gunpolicy.org/Topics/Guns_In_Pakistan.html . Accessed 19th March, 2010.

67 _{The amnesty preceded the enforcement of the licensing laws which, when implemented, did lead to a}

large-scale recovery of illegal weapons. See: „Pakistan launches arms amnesty‟ 5th June, 2001; http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/1371207.stm . Accessed 16th January, 2011.

68 _{A case observed by the author in March 2002 in Mansehra district, where police arrested a hunter}

using an unlicensed weapon, precipitating a jirga to attain his release.

69

Observed across KP July-Sept. 2008. An increase in prices for small arms across KP has been attributed to a shortage in weapons arising from increased demand. Interview with Muhammad Shakeel, Darra Adam Khel, August 2008.

70 _{See: ‟Political Patronage, PM Flood Pakistan with 400,000 Private Gun Permits‟ available at}

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reduced and the presence of armouries and gun shops has decreased.71 Incidents of violent crime are also less frequent than in Peshawar and its environs,72 although the Pakhli plain and Tor Ghar are plagued by frequent home robberies by armed gangs.73

This trend appears to be resultant from a number of factors. As has been established in this chapter, eastern KP, including Mansehra and Abbotabad, manifests many more attributes of the state than northern and southern KP. In addition to this, the area manifests a relatively heterogeneous population including Awans, Kashmiris and Punjabis. Hence the cultural affinity with firearms manifest amongst tribal Pashtuns is less prevalent in eastern KP.74 This is in stark contrast to the situation in Kohat and southern parts of KP where the weapons industry, although unregulated and technically illegal, is growing and continues to provide employment and economic opportunity to many tribesmen.75 Hence, this study finds that the relative reduction in the prevalence of firearms in eastern KP is a manifestation of the presence of the state’s administrative and judicial organs in the districts of Abbotabab, Haripur and southern Mansehra.

The preceding analysis of elements of civil administration demonstrates the lack of presence of the Pakistani state across much of KP, PATA and FATA. Analysis reveals that the provincial civil administration has a weak presence, concentrated in Peshawar, Mardan, Swabi and Charsadda, and eastern districts of Mansehra and Abbotabad where the presence of the civil administration is notable. In addition to having a weak presence across the province, the civil administration is dominated by the military in its structure and functioning. This role of the military has functioned to weaken the civil administration, and has distanced the tribal population of the borderland from it. The employment of the military in operations across

71 _{Over a five year period from July 2003 to July 2008, a substantive decrease in the number of gun}

shops was observed across the northern parts of KP and Peshawar. Discussions with proprietors suggest that this trend was largely the result of changes in legislation instituting severe punishment for possession of unlicensed arms. Discussions also revealed that the overwhelming majority of arms sales prior to that period were to unlicensed customers.

72 _{Although accurate statistics related to violent crime are not kept, largely because most crimes go}

unreported, Peshawar demonstrated a number of violent crimes such as murder and abduction for ransom each day reported in the local press. There was no such report, whether in the press or brought to the awareness of officials through other means, in August 2008 in the Mansehra division. However, January and February 2010 brought a number of bombings of aid agencies and personnel perpetrated by suspected Islamist militants.

73 _{Observed by the author in September 2008 in the upper Pakhli plain where homesteads are well}

armed and movement in vehicles requires the presence of a firearm, particularly after dark. An incident involving a vehicle was observed in passing through an area of intense foliage, between Baffa and Khwajgan, 4th September, 2008.

74 _{The north-east part of KP is home to a substantive population of ethnic Gujjars who speak Hindko}

and are outside the Pashtun shajara. Weapons do not figure as prominently in Gujjar cultural norms as they do amongst Pashtuns.

75

FATA has further alienated tribesmen from that institution, a trend that began following the initial deployment of the military in FATA in mid 2002. This alienation of the borderland from both civil and military organs of the Pakistani state has been a key catalyst in the resurgence of tribal authority across FATA, PATA and adjacent districts of KP during this timeframe.