QUE SE HACE EN CLASE ESTÉ EN DIRECTA RELACIÓN CON LA MÚSICA

In the first instance, there is evidence to suggest that violent cognitions are grounded in childhood experiences. Beauregard et al., (2008) described how many of the sexual murderers of children had either witnessed or been exposed to sexual abuse when they were children themselves and this is not uncommon in the

49 literature on sexual offending (e.g. Ogloff, Cutajar, Mann & Mullen, 2012). Moreover, Beauregard et al., suggested that these experiences of physical, psychological and/or sexual abuse may have led to the development of a set of core beliefs about the self, relationships to others and the world, and more specifically scripts about violence. Interestingly, Beauregard et al., describes the development of scripts about violence, but describes sexually-violent offending as a consequence of deviant fantasy. While little explanation is given to distinguish the different products it may be appropriate to assume, for now, that these are two separate processes which contribute to offending in different ways. This will be addressed further, later in this discussion. Nevertheless, similar observations in relation to script development were also made by Burgess et al., (1986) which collectively suggest that formative and traumatic experiences may predispose some individuals to developing scripts related to (sexual-) violence. However, the presence of scripts alone does not determine violent behaviour as not all scripts are rehearsed or accessed (e.g. Huesmann, 1998) and therefore there is a need to consider factors influencing script processing and rehearsal.

Burgess et al., (1986) describes how frequent exposure to criminal activities (e.g. in the family), paired with parental failings in the provision of adequate protection and supervision, might contribute to normative beliefs regarding the acceptability of violence. At the same time, Huesmann & Eron (1989) would argue that the absence of parental guidance arning of instinctive and evolutionary aggression that is innate. Collectively, such experiences may contribute to normative beliefs about violence, which may influence script rehearsal (Sestir & Bartholow, 2007). In a recent study Gilbert, Daffern, Talevski & Ogloff (2013) found positive associations between normative beliefs about aggression and frequency of script rehearsal, and they concluded that aggression- supportive beliefs functioned as a gateway or filter for the rehearsal of aggressive scripts. Therefore, it seems that early experiences may not only contribute to the development of violent or aggressive scripts, but that they may also shape beliefs

50 and attitudes towards violent and aggressive behaviours, which may collectively increase risk of violence.

Grisso et al., (2000) used the theory of script rehearsal (Huesmann, 1988; 1998) to explain their findings of an association between violent thinking and violent behaviour. However, this pattern was only observed for non-white patients in the sample. This led Grisso and colleagues to conclude that prior victimisations, which they assumed to have been more prevalent across their non-white participant group, might have also strengthened scripts for violence, in line with social-cognitive and script rehearsal theories (Huesmann, 1988; 1998). Although

histories of victimisation were G study,

the hypothesis does appear to be consistent with findings from other studies, suggesting that this might have been a likely explanation for the difference between groups in their study.

Beauregard et al., (2008) also acknowledge the impact of abuse on offenders within their sample. Beauregard et al., theorised that this may have led to attachment difficulties and subsequent difficulties engaging in social interaction with others, which is also consistent with the literature on attachment and violent offending (e.g. Ogilvie, Newman, Todd & Peck, 2014; Savage, 2014). Moreover, Beauregard and colleagues suggest however, that such attachment difficulties may encourage isolation and social withdrawal and it is this that leads to the creation of a fantasy that meets needs in a way that reality does not. These observations were similarly noted by MacCulloch et al., (1983), MacCulloch et al., (2000), Carabellese et al., (2011) and Knoll (2010). MacCulloch and colleagues (1983) described how feelings of rejection and sexual inadequacy contributed to the development of sadistic fantasies within which the offenders themselves were omnipotent. Moreover, these more deviant themes appear to have emerged during adolescence and MacCulloch et al., (1983) observed increases in masturbation to sadistic fantasies following this content change. Similarly, the case study described by Carabellese et al., (2011) describes how the offender may have been motivated to create fantasies of dominance, coercion and aggression against women in an

51 attempt to overcome feelings of impotence and inadequacy related to sex and is therefore consistent with findings from other studies. It therefore seems that sexually-violent fantasies are not only developed to overcome obstacles in reality, and in doing so create an alternative reality, but moreover these fantasies are also related to sexual arousal. Such pairings of deviant fantasy with sexual arousal have implications for sexually-violent offending and will be discussed in the relevant section below.

The pseudocommando mass murderer described by Knoll (2010) is a non- sexual, violent offender who is also reported to have developed deviant fantasies in adolescence. Whereas sexual offenders reported the creation of fantasies that were associated with sexual arousal, the pseudocommando mass murderer on the other hand develops fantasies that instead appear to be directed at self- preservation; protecting against feelings of shame, loss and defectiveness. This offender was described as suspicious, with strong feelings of persecution and victimisation. Knoll argues that revenge fantasies for the pseudocommando mass murderer provide much needed sustenance to a fragile self-esteem. Moreover, the pseudo sense of control that is consequently achieved is also positively reinforcing.

W K (2010) observations may be limited in terms of their generalisability, they do however share some thematic similarities with another study of violent offenders, which may provide additional support. Milner & Webster (2005) sampled three groups of offenders: rapists, violent offenders and child molesters, in a study aimed at identifying schemas within different offender groups. Of particular relevance, the violent offender group had significantly higher scores, compared to the other two groups, on three schemas which included passive victim, vengeful entitlement and need for control. Milner & Webster concluded that the most prevalent schematic theme for violent offenders was related to grievance and revenge and thus the broad thematic similarities across the findings

K

Taken together it seems that violent cognitions in the form of normative beliefs about violence, behavioural scripts and fantasies have origins in early

52 experience. Beliefs and scripts persist into adolescence and adulthood and continue to provide a framework for the interpretation of social cues and selection of appropriate behavioural responses. Fantasies, on the other hand, appear to develop out of a need to achieve something which is absent in reality e.g. a pseudo- sense of power and control or dominance. These feelings appear to sustain the individual through a process of affective regulation and/or sexual arousal in the case of sexually-violent offenders.