3.3.1. Cultural understanding of the body
Some authors have considered the role the body plays in understanding FGC, in particular how values and beliefs surrounding the body can influence the way culture is ascribed onto it by considering how the body is perceived; who the body belongs to; enculturation; embodiment; and performativity. Njambi (2004) highlights the complex relationship of the body and culture. She explains how the image of a western body and sexuality have
contexts, by assuming that the body is separate to culture. This replicates the nature/culture dualism and colonialist assumptions that feminists have often questioned. She tells her own lived experience of being a circumcised woman and argues the anti- FGM discourse largely refers to western perceptions of the body, separates culture from the body and compares the ‘natural’ body against the ‘mutilated’ (Njambi, 2004). She highlights how this is problematic as the culturally produced and maintained dualism of nature/culture is ignored. Furthermore, those who are seen to be able to separate nature and culture are seen as modern, as opposed to those who allow cultural values to change the body. Njambi argues:
“Such feminist science studies perspectives…help to raise the question, what forms of violence and silencing does anti-FGM discourse introduce, replicate, and maintain? If the idea of embodied knowledge was to be applied by anti-FGM discourse, then a possibility of envisioning bodies differently might emerge, that is accountable to local specificities and variations, rather than replicating the western view of a ‘natural body’” (Njambi, 2004, p293).
Similarly, Green (2005) highlights that FGC has commonly been understood in relation to western heteronormative femininity and sexuality, meaning that it has often been compared by women and scholars to western genital cosmetic surgery, elective genital plastic surgery and the medical clitoridectomy that used to occur in the 20th century in
England and North America. Green argues that:
“The genital ideal may differ historically and cross-culturally, yet the fact remains, to be a woman is to have a specific culturally prescribed and approved
form of genitalia…A clitoris that is too large or is given the chance to grow too
woman too masculine and, thus, (hetero)sexually strange and unattractive”
(Green, 2005, p177).
This statement reflects a position of cultural relativism and essentialism as previously mentioned and suggests that there are different types of approved forms of genitalia for women in different cultures. However, Green supports Njambi in how this might be problematic when comparing FGC or using western norms as a standard and point of understanding.
As well as the physical appearance of the genitalia playing a role in the understanding of FGC, Boddy (1982) offers a cultural context to how the function of the body has been used to understand the importance of FGC and infibulation in a small rural Sudanese village. The physical orifices of the body were believed to house dangerous djinn (supernatural creatures or demons), infibulation therefore served the purpose of ensuring the body could not be invaded by them. The vagina and womb were also symbolic and believed to represent the family house, the enclosure is thought to protect the woman’s fertility, just as the house protects the man’s descendants; the womb becomes a social space literally and figuratively (Boddy, 1982). This demonstrates how the body represents a wider symbolic extension and FGC can be understood in terms of serving protection for the wider community with very little if any emphasis of the body being individually owned. Boddy demonstrates here that as scholars our personal ideas on FGC can change with a deeper cultural understanding, which might influence how we frame FGC and women’s bodies. The role of the body and embodiment will be considered further in the following chapter.
3.3.2 Body norms and women’ sexuality
As highlighted in the previous chapter, a justification for FGC is to control women’s sexual desires and pleasure. It therefore appears essential to understand how the term sexuality is and has been defined and the different ways of viewing women’s sexual experiences in relation to cultural framing.
In sociology, according to some, sexuality refers to sexual desire, expression, and satisfaction; as well as the capacity for sexual feelings, attitudes and practices (Little, 2013). Sexuality is often linked to gender studies and sexual orientation such as identifying as heterosexual, homosexual or bisexual (Zevallos, n.d.). However, in sociology it also commonly refers to sexual desire, expression, and satisfaction. Little (2013) describe the term sexuality in sociology as the capacity for sexual feelings with a focus on attitudes and practices. Many sociologists argue that generally sexuality is socially constructed by attitudes and what is deemed as appropriate behaviour; suggesting that sexuality, norms and practices surrounding sex therefore varies in different cultures (Cummins, n.d.). This differs from other approaches such as the biological model which focuses on the role of predispositions of hormones and sexual behaviour (Udry, 1988). Whilst there are numerous different explanations for deviant sexual behaviours and disorders, some sociologists question the view that sexuality, in particular women’s sexuality, is a deviant behaviour that needs controlling to prevent ‘undesirable’ behaviour such as infidelity or sex before marriage (Udry, 1988). This is important to consider when researching FGC, which is often practised to control sexual behaviour as explained in the previous chapter.
Considering the way that sexuality is socially constructed is important when researching FGC from a western perspective as the application of western beliefs around sexuality may not be the same as those in affected communities. Sexuality and FGC have commonly been theorised by liberal western ideals and beliefs about sexuality, the body and women’s pleasure being central to women’s liberation. Bell (2005) for instance, highlights how western discourse is perceived of as the dominant dialogue on FGC and sexuality, but one which may be problematic. Bell claims that there are assumptions about a passive female sexuality and the focus of the vagina being the source of sexual pleasure, allowing the clitoris to be de-sexualised. This view, that the clitoris was not important, was also evident in anatomy textbooks where it was omitted completely, suggesting it was not relevant. In the 1970’s feminists helped reinstate the clitoris with the purpose of achieving sexual liberation and questions were raised as to why it was not seen as important; when reports such as the Hite report (1976) revealed that almost all women achieved clitoral orgasms.
Bell (2005) expressed concern about the disturbing ways that discourse essentialises and universalises the sexuality of men and women, which is then applied to the discourse on FGC. For example, the idea that human bodies are fully complete the way they are at birth or as Bell describes it that the clitoris is crucial to femininity and sexuality. Shweder (2000) argued that FGC is focused on by western feminists because the clitoris is seen as a symbol of liberation; this assumption is challenged by some who dispute that western definitions of sexual pleasure are universal. Supporting this (Abdulcadir et al., 2016) found that women still had intact clitoral glans and erectile tissue allowing them, in theory, to achieve orgasm. This should encourage us to consult with other definitions and understanding of sexual pleasure in particular cultural contexts.
Furthermore, Fourcroy (2006) suggests that when we consider women’s sexuality we should do so in the cultural and social context in which they reside as this can determine their sexual freedoms and level of pleasure deemed acceptable. This is important to consider, as control of sexuality is one of the common justifications for FGC and gender identity markers.