I NTERACCIONES ENTRE LAS SOLUCIONES IRRIGADORAS

The N-VA is a strong niche competitor of the Vlaams Belang; however there are some Vlaams Belang hardliners who are unlikely to shift their loyalties. The loyalists are those most dedicated to the party and include party officials (particularly those who have been with the party since the 1970s), unreconstructed fascists, and members of extremist paramilitary organizations. Their viewpoints are more radical than those of the broader Flemish nationalist movement and they believe the N-VA is not aggressive enough in its efforts to achieve Flemish independence and restrict immigration. The loyalists are also regionally defined to some extent. The Vlaams Belang built itself from the municipal level up, using Antwerp as a foundation and then

broadening its appeal throughout Flanders. There is evidence that the Vlaams Belang still enjoys support in Antwerp, particularly from the local chapter of NSV-a nationalist student

organization- and the neofascist paramilitary organization, Voorpost. It is telling that, on the celebration of an important holiday in the Flemish community, July 11th, the N-VA held its celebration in Brussels while the VB celebrated in Antwerp. July 11th is the Day of the Flemish Community, held to commemorate the Goldensporenslagen (Battle of the Golden Spurs)

between French and Flemish forces in 1302. The narrative surrounding this battle has played a vital role in the construction of Flemish nationalism, as it focuses on the oppression of the

Flemish people by the French and on their ability to overcome that oppression (Rutten et al. 2010). The N-VA celebrated the day in Brussels, accompanied by the Young N-VA and KVHV- Antwerp (Jong N-VA 2014). The party was held at the Vlaams Huis (Flanders House), which is the headquarters of the Flemish nationalist movement in Brussels. The Vlaams Huis is a sort of neutral ground for supporters of Flemish nationalism and politicians and activists from the far- right, the far left, and every position in between regularly attend meetings or meet for drinks there after work.

The Vlaams Belang did not advertise the meeting at the Vlaams Huis and instead, focused on the July 11th celebration happening in Antwerp. At this celebration, one was more likely to see the organizations that remain loyal to the VB, including members of Voorpost and NSV- Antwerp. The event was held in a small square, Hendrik Conscienceplein, a site with symbolic significance because it is named in honor of Hendrik Conscience, Flemish nationalist and author of De Leeuw Van Vlaanderen (1838), a romanticized account of the Flemish victory over the French at the Battle of the Golden Spurs. Key members of the Vlaams Belang were in attendance, including Filip de Winter and Tom Van Grieken. Traditional Flemish music was played, free beer was served, and, towards the end of the event, members of the NSV gathered together and sang songs from the Studentencodex. At the end of the celebration, many of the remaining participants headed over to the bar, De Leeuw van Vlaanderen (The Lion of

Flanders), to continue drinking and singing Flemish nationalist songs. Tom Van Grieken went home, but Filip De Winter and many members of Voorpost and the NSV Antwerp were still in attendance.

The Leeuw van Vlaanderen is a headquarters for radical Flemish nationalists. The bar was frequented by those who collaborated with the Nazis during World War II and the walls are

plastered with years of Flemish propaganda and pictures of Flemish nationalist heroes. It was established in honor of Herman Van Den Reeck, a Flemish martyr who was shot by the police during a July 11th protest in 1920. It is presently used as a headquarters for the NSV-Antwerp, which routinely holds meetings and initiations there. The fraternal aspects of NSV-Antwerp are key to perpetuating member loyalty to the Flemish nationalist movement and to Vlaams Belang in particular. One observer described it thus:

The drunken kids we saw that night were the same people manning tables, collecting forms, serving food, and doing the grunt work at the Day of the Right Wing Youth. Within a few years, they will be running conferences and winning public office. No youth political organization in America comes close to their dedication, activism, or enthusiasm….The VB keenly understands the importance of the subculture. Political movements are built on volunteer politics: Every minute spent for the cause is a minute taken away from work, family, or friends. It is therefore extremely important that political work be combined as much as possible with fun and friendship. As one party member confided to me, “The movement would not be where it is if it were not for drinking.32

The night I was in attendance, young supporters of the Vlaams Belang were manning a booth in the alley, distributing stickers, key chains, and party publications, including a newly published comic book detailing the many ways in which immigrants are destroying the city of Antwerp (robbing banks, urinating on the streets, etc.) I was told by one of the members not to carry the bag of paraphernalia down the street because if would not be safe. I had several casual conversations with members of NSV-Antwerp, who felt some solidarity with me when they learned I was an American because “immigrants are destroying America too.” Throughout the evening, Filip de Winter was surrounded by members of Voorpost-some of the more visually identifiable neo-fascists due to their skinhead aesthetic-who acted as a security during the main event and at the bar afterwards.

32 _{For those interested in the role of youth movements and bars in the Flemish radical network, the full text of this}

observation of the Leeuwe van Vlaanderen is available at “A Visit to the De Leeuw van Vlaanderen, 29 August, 2014. Available at http://shittyguide.org/visit-de-leeuw-van-vlaanderen/.

Interpersonal ties in social networks tend to be the stronger then ties that are forged online. In addition, ties become stronger with greater frequency of contact and the development of friendship (Granovetter 1973). Bars like the De Leeuwe van Vlaanderen and student organizations like the NSV provide a venue for frequent contact and – aided by the alcohol – the opportunity for friendships to develop. One representative of the student organization, KVHV, noted that the organization does not really use social media to recruit to a significant decree saying that “we barely use that” and that most members join because a friend invited them to a bar during a recruitment week.33 The bonds forged in youth, through student organizations like the NSV tend to have lasting power. Vlaams Belang party leader Tom Van Grieken himself came up through the NSV and was president of the organization prior to serving as an official for the Vlaams Belang. It is evident that he feels a strong sense of loyalty to the party and, despite being courted by the N-VA—the most powerful party in the country—he chose to stay with the Vlaams Belang. Van Grieken fondly recounted his initial entry into the party:

My first membership card was VB…I was raised in a multicultural neighborhood, multicultural

schools…around 15 I started looking for my identity…and identified myself as Flemish and there are only so many parties who believe in Flemish independence and I believe in Flemish independence.34