IMPLICACIÓN COGNITIVA Y MOTIVACIÓN

How much a polis thought about the sea and maritime considerations can, in part, be illustrated by the way its inhabitants discussed such matters and to what extent they

developed what might be termed a ‘maritime consciousness’. Whether depicted on stage,

in myth or even on display in artistic representation and architecture, this maritime consciousness can help illuminate the extent to which the maritime realm was conceptualised in the Greek world. Myths, epics, tragedies, and comedies are useful in examining this consciousness. This is often seen in the stories themselves, many of which are dominated by nautical themes, from long sea voyages through to overseas expeditions. It can also be seen in the language used, where nautical metaphors and imagery abound. In exploring the stories of the Greeks, one can see how important the sea was to both their practical but also to their conceptual world.244 _{This chapter will focus on the idea of a}

‘maritime consciousness’ in Greece by exploring stories; be they in myth, epic, or on stage.

Myth and Epic

Myths were important to the Greeks and it is necessary to explore, albeit briefly, ways in which maritime topics and themes appeared in myths, and how this might have helped shape a maritime consciousness. The maritime realm and maritime deities feature

prominently in Greek creation myth. According to Hesiod’s Theogony, the sea (Πόντος) is one of the primeval elements that shapes the world.245 _{More broadly, the sea connects all}

parts of the world through a vast hydrological network. From the outer Ocean all the

world’s rivers flow inward, through the lands and then into the sea, and eventually outward again into the Ocean.246 _{Hesiod lists all of the important rivers, ending his short}

catalogue by naming the most important of them all as the Styx, though there are countless rivers too numerous to name (Theog. 337-70). As Marie-Claire Beaulieu points out, this

244 _{This is certainly a chapter deserving of its own thesis. The material is important for contextualising} Greek sea power and maritime thinking but cannot be covered in detail. Therefore, this chapter illustrates important stories, characterisations, myths, and highlights the most important points of consideration. There are many good treatments of myths and the sea, but usually treated in isolation or on a case-by-case basis. Marie-Claire Beaulieu’s recent work, The Sea in the Greek Imagination (2016) is a welcome addition to the scholarship on the topic and is used in this chapter frequently.

245 _{Hes. Theog. 131-2; Beaulieu (2016): 1.} 246 _{Beaulieu (2016): 30.}

hydrological network connects all parts of the world, ‘from the invisible world of the gods and the dead beyond the Ocean, to the underworld, to the surface of the earth’.247 _{In this}

view of the world, rivers and the sea may be distinct, but are not viewed as entirely separate as in the modern Western world. Of great importance to those who used the sea, Hesiod also describes the birth of the winds. Interestingly, bad winds that wreck ships and sailors are born from the terrible beast Typhoeos, as opposed to the good winds (θνητοὶς μέγ΄ ὄνειαρ), Notos, Boreas and Zephyros (869-80). Although he mentions winds destroying things upon the earth as well (878-80), the primary context in which Hesiod describes the winds is with regards to sailors and seagoing activities. The sea and the winds which affected the seas were important features of Greek cosmology and which helped interconnect the Greek and indeed the wider world.

Many of the deities associated with the sea are powerful and just, especially the ‘old men of the sea’ – Nereus, Phorkys and Proteus – to whom can also be added the goddess Thetis.248 _{All are knowledgeable and provide advice and aid to mortals. For instance,}

Proteus is twice described as ‘truthful/unerring’ (νημερτής – Hom. Od. 4.349, 401), and knows the depths of all the seas – ὅς τε θαλάσσης πάσης βένθεα οἶδε (4.385-6). He is described as such while he aids Menelaos in his wanderings (4.349-570). Herakles gains knowledge of the way to the island of the Hesperides by Neleus (Apollod. 2.114). Alternatively, he is given Helios’ cup from Neleus in order to sail over Ocean to reach the

Hesperides (Stesich. fr. 184a). 249 _{This follows the Titan Okeanos, who is also seen as a force}

for good in both actions and counsel.250_{In Aeschylus’ Prometheus Bound, Okeanos gives}

counsel to Prometheus as well as trying to convince Zeus to free Prometheus (284-396). Of the Olympians, not only Poseidon but Aphrodite also has a strong connection to the sea, being born from foam arising out of it and being associated with the islands of Kythera and Cyprus (Hes. Theog. 192-200). Most people, including scholars, tend to view Aphrodite as a deity concerned with love and related matters. Yet, Aphrodite had a strong connection to the sea from which she was born and had several epithets related to the sea.251 _Further, 247 _{Beaulieu (2016): 30.} 248 _{Beaulieu (2016): 36-7.} 249 _{Beaulieu (2016): 36-8.} 250 _{Beaulieu (2016): 38-9.} 251 _{Larson (2007): 123.}

there are abundant finds of votive offerings made to her by seafarers on her birthplace island of Cyprus.252 _{Deities in Greek myth with strong connections to the sea are usually}

viewed in a favourable light.

The sea was a space inhabited or visited by all manner of divine creatures and seawater itself was important to the Greeks and the gods. Seawater is considered pure and incorruptible (ἀμίαντος).253 _{This is how Aeschylus describes it in The Persians (578), and}

Euripides has Iphigeneia say that ‘the sea washes away all human evils’ (θάλασσα κλύζει πάντα τἀνθρώπων κακά - Eur. IT. 1193). Seawater was particularly useful when dealing with the pollution of death, and purification by seawater in the case of houses polluted by death was legally mandated in Keos during the 5th _century.254_{What’s more, ambrosia is}

brought to Zeus by doves from Okeanos (Hom. Od. 12.63). The association between ambrosia and Okeanos endured from the time of Homer through to Hyginus, who lists the personified Ambrosia as one of the daughters of Okeanos (Fab. 182, 192).255 _{Like the sea,}

Ocean is pure and its purity is used by the gods and all the celestial bodies for bathing, with the exception of the Bear (Hom. Il. 18.486-89).256

Dolphins have an interesting place in the Greek world from at least the Mycenaean and Minoan periods onward. Early authors describe dolphins as swift and wild, and indeed Achilleus in the midst of his rampage against the Trojans is likened to a dolphin corralling terror-struck fish (Hom. Il. 21.22-26). Classical authors thought highly of dolphins, who were seen as enjoying music and entertainment, experienced human-like emotions and sympathised with and aided men. This included rescuing sailors and taking an interest in burial rights, not just for other dolphins but for humans as well, most famously the somewhat hydrophobic poet Hesiod.257 _{Perhaps most interestingly, Plutarch argues that}

dolphins were the only animal that engaged in friendship with man for no advantage

252 _{I am grateful to Dr Amelia Brown of the University of Queensland for this information, provided in} private correspondence as part of her Australian Research Council (ARC), Discovery Early Career Research Award for her project: ‘Like frogs around a pond: Maritime Religion and Seafaring Gods of Ancient Greek Culture’.

253 _{Beaulieu (2016): 33.}

254 _{IG XII 5.593. It seems as if salt could be added to fresh water if needed. See also: Parker (1983): 226-7.} 255 _{Beaulieu (2016): 36.}

256 _{Beaulieu (2016): 34.}

257 _{Beaulieu (2016): 119-20, esp. notes 6-8, 11-14. As mentioned in Chapter Two, Hesiod had extremely} limited exposure to the sea and his warnings on sailing and sea travel hint at a strong aversion to the sea.

(μόνος γὰρ ἄνθρωπον ἀσπάζεται, καθ᾿ ὃἄνθρωπός ἐστι: Plut. Mor. 984c-d). Beaulieu

sees dolphins as representing man’s counterpart in the sea, and her chapter on the subject

of dolphins is illuminating, especially in helping to dispel the notion of the Greeks being ever fearful of the sea and its creatures.258

Sea voyages are prominent in myth, featuring in the lives and deeds of heroes such as Herakles, Theseus, Jason and of course Odysseus. The sea plays an active role in the lives of Greek heroes and their mythic journeys.259 _{These sea voyages are often linked with Greek}

colonisation and the rapid expansion of geographic knowledge. A good example of this is

the case of the ‘Clashing Rocks’ which feature in the Argo’s journey. In early forms of the

Argonautica story, it appears as if the Argo encountered the Clashing Rocks on the return journey. The Odyssey says that the only ship to have passed through the rocks was the

Argo, when sailing from Aietes (παρ᾿ Αἰήταο πλέουσα: Hom. Od. 12.70).260 _{The later}

authors Pindar and Apollonius Rhodius have the Argo sailing through the rocks on the outward journey, and most importantly, the rocks ceased their clashing once the ship has passed through (Pind. Pyth. 210-11; Ap. Rhod. Argon. 604-6), unlike in the earlier Odyssey (12.62-65). It seems as if later accounts required the Clashing Rocks to be tamed as they became more firmly located in the Bosporus,261 _{a passage regularly sailed through by ships}

in the time of Pindar. Herein appears to be a rationalising account of myth as Greek geographic knowledge and experience of the Black Sea region increased.

The Odyssey is the maritime adventure of the ancient Greek world. No thesis dealing with maritime issues can afford to ignore the Odyssey, but discussion here will be necessarily brief.262 _{Perhaps one of the most intriguing elements of the story is that of the Phaiakians,}

master sailors and merchants. Instead of being viewed in a contradictory light, Carol Dougherty sees the Phaiakians as playing the role of ‘gateway to the ethnographic

258 _{Beaulieu (2016): 119-144. She has three case studies: Arion, Hesiod and Melikertes. The chapter also} looks at the important role of Dolphins in colonization and in the most important of Greek institutions, Delphoi. See below for more on dolphins and their association with Dionysos and drinking.

259 _{For a good examination of sea voyages by Perseus, Theseus and Jason, see: Beaulieu (2016): 59-89.} 260 _{West (2005): 40.}

261 _{West (2005): 41.}

262 _{It is a work which can and has generated numerous theses on varying aspects of the maritime world –} far more than can be considered in this thesis. This short section aims to illuminate some of the most salient points when it comes the Odyssey and the idea of a maritime consciousness in Greece, and how this might have influenced thinking on the topics of sea power and maritime strategy in the Classical Period.

imagination of the world of the Odyssey’.263 _{Firstly, the Phaiakians form a polarized}

opposition to the other great seafarers and traders of the time, the Phoenicians, and this

‘helps further articulate the problematic notion of overseas trade’.264 _{In stark contrast to the}

Phoenicians and other notable maritime traders, the Phaiakians are extremely hostile to outsiders, differing greatly in character with the somewhat cosmopolitan nature of other trading hubs like Phoenicia and Athens.265 _{Secondly, the Phaiakians in conjunction with}

the Cyclopes help to imagine the world of overseas conquest and settlement.266 _{The Odyssey}

has deep roots in the maritime realm and the simple fact is that of the two great Homeric epics, half of them are concerned with the sea. This alone should say a lot about how the maritime realm permeated Greek society from earliest times.

The sea and maritime endeavours are not prominent when first considering Herakles and his deeds, yet he had an important relationship with the sea. Herakles utilised the sea

several times for his journeys, including his stint as one of Jason’s Argonauts. A quick

survey of his exploits includes his expedition against the Amazons, where he sails into the Black Sea, which he names Euxeinos (Diod. Sic. 4.16.1); sailing from Kreta to retrieve the cattle of Geryon (Diod. Sic. 4.17.1-3); setting up his Pillars in Gadeira (see below); and sacking Troy with either 18 or only 6 warships.267 _{Going beyond the mortal realm, Herakles}

sails across Ocean in the cup of Helios, obtained from either the ‘old man of the sea’ Nereus

or from Helios himself,268 _{and it was a popular scene depicted in art.}269 _{The sea is an}

important feature in Herakles’ deeds, allowing the hero to traverse the length and breadth of the Mediterranean and beyond. As perhaps the most recognizable and popular of Greek heroes it is of great significance that he has these strong and regular connections to the sea. As the paradigmatic Athenian hero,270 _{Theseus naturally had a close connection to the sea.}

Of particular note is the fact that Theseus supposedly defeated Minos’ general Tauros in a

naval battle (Plut. Thes. 19.2). Although the sea often features prominently in heroic tales,

263 _{Dougherty (2001): 103.}

264 _{Dougherty (2001): 103. She examines this topic of overseas trade in a previous chapter (pp. 38-60).} 265 _{On this, see the section discussing the Old Oligarch in the Chapter Five.}

266 _{Dougherty (2001): 103. This is a topic she explores in a subsequent chapter (pp. 122-142).}

267 _{18 ships according to Diodoros (Diod. Sic. 4.32.2) or 6 ships according to Homer (Hom. Il. 5.638-642), an} alternate number acknowledged by Diodoros: Diod. Sic. 4.32.3-4.

268 _{Stesich. Fr. 184a; Pherekydes FGrH F18a.}

269 _{For more on this episode see: Beaulieu (2016): 47-53. On art, Beaulieu (2016): 49, n.145.} 270 _{Hawes (2014): 153.}

naval battles do not and so this instance adds a sense of retrospective historicity to this version of the story.271 _{An alternative account related by Plutarch comes from Kleidemos,}272

whose story revolves around naval matters. He says that there was a general Hellenic

decree that no ‘trireme’ could sail out of port with a crew larger than five men, Jason being the only exception due to the fact that he was clearing the sea of pirates (19.4).273 _Minos

defies the decree by chasing Daidalos to Sicily with his warships and after Minos’ death

his son Deukalion threatens Athens for the return of Daidalos, which causes Theseus to build a fleet in secret and confront and ultimately defeat Deukalion (19.4-6). Indeed, not just Theseus but also his crew members were lauded in Athens after their time. The festival of the Kybernesiawas celebrated in honour of Theseus’ steersmen Nausithos and Phaiax,

who had hero-shrines built for them by Theseus in Phaleron (17.6). Of course, Theseus undertook a famous land journey to Athens from Troizen and as Greta Hawes says of the journey, ‘The footprints of Heracles are everywhere’.274_{In this we can see how Theseus’}

transformation into an Athenian hero required that he gain stronger connections to the sea in order to reflect an Athenian society increasingly looking towards the sea for its future.275

Myth has an important aetiological function with regards to ships and sailing. The Argo

was considered either the first ship (πρωτόπλοος πλάτα: Eur. Andr. 865) or the first sea- going ship, Diodoros saying that before the Argo men put to sea in rafts or small boats:

σχεδία or a μικρόν ἀκάτιον (Diod. Sic. 4.41.1). The crew of the Argo were exceptional, demigods in their own right who went on to great things, not just Herakles, but the Dioskouroi, Orpheus and Euphamos, whom the rulers of Kyrene claimed as their ancestor

and thus stake a claim to part of Jason’s story, in Pindar’s FourthPythian. Pindar calls the

271 _{Plutarch actually says it was Demon who tells this version of the story. On rationalisation of the myth,} see: Hawes (2014): 163.

272_{Which Plutarch acknowledges as ‘rather peculiar and eccentric’ – 19.4; Hawes (2014): 163.} 273 _{He does indeed use the word τριήρης in this passage, which clearly cannot be correct for the time} period he is discussing. It may however be indicative of just how prominent the trireme was in popular narratives, the quintessential Greek warship of its day, much like ‘ship of the line’ and ‘battleship’ became synonymous with big warships in later times, even when describing warships of different size and

capability.

274 _{Hawes (2014): 160.}

275_{For an excellent look at Theseus in Athens, and Plutarch’s biography of the hero, see: Hawes (2014):} 149-174.

crew demigods (ἡμίθεος: 211),276 _{and Diodoros says that no small number of prominent}

youths were ready to take part in the journey (οὐκ ὀλίγους τῶν ἐν ὑπεροχαῖς νεανίσκων ἐπιθυμῆσαι μετασχεῖν τῆς στρατείας: Diod. Sic. 4.41.1-2). Clearly this was a momentous occasion and budding heroes/demigods approached the expedition and long sea voyage not with fear, but eagerness. Myth is also used to explain the origin of sails in rationalising accounts of Daidalos and Ikaros. Palaiphatos in his fourth century On Unbelievable Tales noted the impossibility of the pair actually flying through the air and says that they escaped by boat with a favourable wind which gave the appearance of them ‘flying’ (12). Pausanias

in his account says that Daidalos invented sails for his escape ship, previously unknown to sailors, in order to out-run the oared fleet of Minos (9.11.4).

Perhaps the most important aetiological story is that of the Pillars of Herakles. Often seen as boundary markers, including by some ancient authors, they are also said to have been

monuments to Herakles’ achievement in making the Mediterranean Sea safe for mariners.

Diodoros tells two quite contradictory stories about the Pillars, both of which illustrate

Herakles’ key role in maritime endeavours. Either Herakles narrowed the entrance to the

Mediterranean Sea and thus prevented monsters from entering, or he cut a channel through what was land and thereby opened up the Mediterranean to the Atlantic Ocean (Diod. Sic. 4.18.4-5). The first explanation seems to pick up on Euripides, who in his tragedy Herakles has the chorus sing that Herakles’ adventures to the farthest recesses of the sea

had made it safe sailing for men (Eur. HF 400-402). This first explanation is obvious in its

benefit to mankind, but the second one also indicates a positive aspect to Herakles’ journey

and deeds, merely in a different light. This second explanation has Herakles opening up the sea to travel, a contentious issue in modern scholarship,277 _{though it is hard to accept}

Diodoros as presenting this story in anything other than a positive light – he is of course praising the deeds of the great hero Herakles. Regardless of which story was more widely

276 _{Not in the strict sense of mortals with some divine lineage, but in a broader sense to denote} distinguished warriors, much like Hesiod’s race immediately preceding the current generation (Op. 159- 65). Braswell (1988): 77.

277 _{Some interpreting the Pillars as a barrier, and in some cases postulating it as a rationalising account of} the Greeks being cut out from this end of the Mediterranean because of the Carthaginians. It is of course possible that there is a simpler explanation: that by cutting a channel through the land monsters could be driven out of the Mediterranean.

believed, they return to the idea of Greek geographic knowledge expanding as waves of Greek colonisers and traders expanded out to the furthest reaches of the Mediterranean. Myth is not just important in the grand, panhellenic sense, but also on a more local level and this is where much can be gleaned of the maritime consciousness of many Greek cities. Despite losing in the contest for patronage of Athens, the sea-god Poseidon was still very