2. Fuentes del conocimiento: análisis
2.2. Impresiones de sensación e impresiones de reflexión
Lang. IS 2S 3S IP 3P 2P Source
01 S ue -n -s -y/-i [-n * k a i,
-n * k a re ]
-r - w D W 7 4 :5 9
0 2 Y ek -an- -e [-er-] -ar- D W 0 2 b :§ 2 .7
0 3 Z ia -n -s 0 [-n*ne] a s f o r 2 P 0 / g lid e - insertion D W 8 0 , G P 2 8 05 Bin -n -t 0 ? -r -r -V JW 0 2 :2 1 O 8 0 ro -n - 0 - j , - i -r -r -w H IC 6 9 :4 0 , L & L 8 5 :8 9 lO N ot -n -s 0 ? -r -r - w P & P 7 4 13T B a [-are / -ere] [-avore] -ie a s f o r s in g u la r C F 9 7 15 K o r -n -s 0 / V[ + high]? -r -r -V C F 9 9 :3 8 p B i n * - n * - s * - / * - r * - r * - w
Binandere -ffrom *-s ‘2S’ is a result of sound change C30 (*s > t), and Orokaiva - 0 possibly a result of C32 (*s- > 0 -). Similar to Orokaiva is the non-consonantal -e for ‘2S’ in Yekora, which too may be a result of loss of *s via the identical sound change C31 (*s- > 0- ) -
The Yekora person-number endings given in Table 4.2 above are for the future and present/past tenses; the corresponding endings for the remote tense are -m- MS', -a ‘2S \
-n- ‘3S \ and -w- ‘P \ Wilson (2002b:§2.7) traces the historical development of Yekora ‘2S’ as follows: nig-e ‘you (singular) hear’ from the Yekora proto-form *nig-e-s-a via a sibilant deletion rule very common in Yekora (cf. sound change C31 *s- > 0 -) and vowel coalescence of Id and Id to Id. He supports the sibilant deletion rule by recourse to the future dependent ‘2S’ form, positing *s-a-s-a ‘when you will have spoken' > a a
via sibilant deletion > current form aa.
Suffixes for ‘IP’ and ‘3P’ are identical in the Nuclear Binandere languages (and Yekora). This conflation is assumed to have been present in the proto-language, with divergence having occurred in the North Binandere ‘IP' forms. (Asterisks in the Suena and Zia ‘IP' forms appear in place of the mood slot; see discussion of mood / speech act value in §4.2.4.) The two ‘IP’ forms in Suena indicate inclusive and exclusive, which probably derive from pronouns, where -kai occurs on ‘IP inclusive’ and -kare on ‘IP exclusive’, ‘2P’, and ‘3P\ Binandere and Ambasi ‘IP exclusive’ pronouns also bear the suffix -kare, and the Binandere ‘IP inclusive’ pronoun is kaen (supposedly [kae]), corresponding to Suena -kai. Zia -ne too, occurring on the ‘IP’ form above, has likely
correspondents in the suffix -de of dual and plural pronominal forms in other languages (though surfacing as -nde following syllables with nasal consonant onsets, and transformed to -rein Orokaiva dialects due to sound change C5; see Tables 4.23 and 4.24 for a tabulation of Binanderean dual and plural pronominal forms). These suffixes appear to be comitative (see Table 4.13). This wider distribution of the North Binandere non cognate material in other sets strengthens the case for an innovative extension of these other suffixes to the person/number forms in North Binandere rather than a merger of ‘IP’ and ‘3P’ forms in the other branches of Proto Binandere.
Suena: Hortative paradigm o f ‘to go ’ bayane ‘ IS' bayase ‘2S’ bayae ‘3S’ bayanekare ‘ IP' bayawe ‘2P’ bay are ‘3P’ (Wilson 1980a:47)
As Farr et al. (1997:§3.1.2) state, Baruga seems to be the only Binanderean language to distinguish only three persons and no number in suffixes on verb forms. (The Baruga suffixes shown in the table appear to include tense/aspect and (indicative-assertive) mood as well as person.)
4.2.4 Speech act value
The third-order suffix on finite verbs in Binanderean encodes mood, actually referred to as ‘speech act value’ in descriptions of Binandere and Korafe, and is composed of a single vowel. (Given that mood categories can actually occur as first-order suffixes as well in Binanderean (see §4.2.10), the label of ‘speech act value’ is more convenient for the third-order suffix.) In Korafe the -a and -i forms do not represent an indicative- interrogative distinction. Korafe is atypical of Binanderean languages in that it uses both
-a and -i to mark indicative verbs in declarative sentences, the choice determined primarily by tense (Farr 1999:39). Examples of the third-order suffixes from two languages are as follows:
Binandere: embo boroko mamb-ira
man now go-TP.3S.IND
‘The man (just) now went.' (Wilson 2002:21)
enibo ouua iji nonde mamb-iri man that.FOC day when go-TP.3S.Q ‘When did that man over there go?’ (Wilson 2002:21)
apie = da ji pie g-ane
grandparent = GEN tooth put.IMP see-H.lS.CR ‘Give me grandfather’s tooth! Let me see!’ (Wilson 2002:22)
ava = ra isi-vo
that.FOC = COP remain.IMP-2P.STEN ‘Alright, you all stay!’
(Wilson 2002:22)
Notu: sipe imo naso mando seka gos-asa
yesterday you my house new see-NP.2S.IND ‘You saw my [new] house yesterday.’
(Parrington and Parrington 1974b: 19)
sipe imo naso mando seka gos-asi-ta yesterday you my house new see-NP.2S.Q-QM ‘Did you see my new house yesterday?’
(Parrington and Parrington 1974b: 19)
embobo bugudo anumb-or-as-e people coming sit.down-3P.CNT.H
‘When the people come, they may stay sitting down.’ (Parrington and Parrington 1974b:52)
Yekora and the North Binandere languages do not possess the fourth category of mood suffix (Wilson 2002a:23-4), labelled in Table 4.3 below as distal hortative. It should be noted that for Orokaiva this fourth category is analysed simply as a ‘dependent’ mood whose usage and significance are little understood.
TABLE 4.3: MOOD / SPEECH ACT VALUE IN BIN ANDERE AN LANGUAGES